Collective memory,political nostalgia,and the rhetorical presidency: Bill Clinton's commemoration of the March on Washington,August 28, 1998

This essay offers a reading of President Bill Clinton's address on August 28, 1998 in which he commemorates the 35th anniversary of the March on Washington. Specifically, Clinton's August 28th address reveals how the presidency has become a hermeneutic site for the formation of collective memory and political nostalgia. This analysis discusses the uses of political nostalgia for the purposes of political image (re)construction as evidenced by Clinton's exploitation of the civil rights movement to explain and excuse his personal failings and his relationship with Monica Lewinsky. We also present a divergent version of Clinton's rhetoric, giving specific attention to how his particular use of nostalgia in this address works to articulate and confront many of the powerful dichotomies (masculine/feminine; war/peace; black/white; private/public) that define his presidency, his public persona, and the larger political culture in postmodern America.     

A dilemma‐centered analysis of Clinton's August 17th apologia: Implications for rhetorical theory and method

In his apologia following a day of grand jury testimony on August 17th, 1998 President Clinton faced a number of rhetorical dilemmas stemming from his illicit relationship with Monica Lewinsky and his subsequent, ill‐fated attempts at covering it up. This essay offers a dilemma‐centered analysis of Clinton's rhetorical situation and provides an assessment of the strategic appropriateness of the speech in light of a theory of the rhetorical event. In so doing it makes frequent reference to the extensive CRTNET commentary on the speech, this both for purposes of assisting in the assessment and for illuminating problems with rhetorical theory and method.     

MacIntyre's Revolutionary Aristotelian Philosophy and his Idea of an Educated Public Revisited

In this article I revisit MacIntyre's lecture on the idea of an educated public. I argue that the full significance of MacIntyre's views on the underlying purposes of universities only become clear when his lecture on the educated public is situated in the context of his wider ‘revolutionary Aristotelian’ philosophical project. I claim that for MacIntyre educational institutions should both support students to learn how to think for themselves and act for the common good. After considering criticisms from Putnam, Wain and Harris I conclude that MacIntyre's later work points towards an idea of educated ‘community’ that is more outward looking and open to difference than his earlier articulated idea of an educated ‘public’.     

The language of the liberal consensus: John F. Kennedy,technical reason,and the “new economics” at Yale University

On June 11, 1962, President John F. Kennedy addressed the economy at Yale University. This essay explains the symbolic charge of his economic rhetoric, a persuasive campaign that enjoyed considerable success and marked the first time that a president took explicit responsibility for the nation's economic performance. I argue that the president crafted the authority to take command of the economy through construction of a liberal ethos, the use of dissociation, and a definition of the times. His arguments, in turn, were invented from the liberal matrix that dominated politics in the mid‐twentieth‐century United States and represent the ways in which that mode of discourse develops a historically contingent and politically powerful form of technical reason. President Kennedy's speech illustrates a set of strategies that can raise the status of one political language above its competitors in the process of public argument.     

Fantasm: The triumph of form (an essay on the democratic sublime)

This essay attempts to counter the dreariness of postmodern critique and culture by locating the vital force of phantasy, rhetoric, argument, hope, and memory in contemporary public affairs. More particularly, it engages recent controversies about collective memory and the FDR memorial statue especially to generate a greater sensitivity to the fact that we are agents (and not just dupes) of history. The body, symbolic and material, is a core site for the history, theory, and practice of democracy, I argue, and is the hard kernel of collective identification and division. Methodologically, the essay fuses Aristotle and Lacan's ideas about phantasy as a perceptual device, which gages and creates public and personal desire, as an analytic frame for the study of public discourse.     

Sanitizing the Struggle: Barack Obama,Selma, and Civil Rights Memory

In this article, I examine Barack Obama’s use of collective memory during his 2007 campaign speech in Selma, Alabama. Specifically, I argue that Obama appeals to collective memory to challenge the Black community’s relationship to the past. He reframed the memory of the Civil Rights Movement in a manner favorable to his political aspirations. While this frame was politically expedient, it weakened Black political agency. It robbed the Black community of crucial rhetorical resources used to challenge structural inequalities in society. This article offers insight into the complex relationship between metaphor and collective memory. Specifically, I interrogate the role of metaphor as a crucial site where public memory is formed, disrupted, and rearticulated. Furthermore, I consider the implications of his use of memory for the future of the Black freedom struggle.     

希利斯·米勒文学观新探

希利斯·米勒的解构主义修辞批评理论在20世纪80年代中期以来用解构主义言语行为理论作指导而有了重要的发展。文章从三个方面对此作初步讨论：（1）米勒的解构主义言语行为理论;（2）从解构主义言语行为理论看文学本质的修辞性;（3）从解构主义言语行为理论看文学结构的非有机性。     

ACT UP 25: HIV/AIDS,Archival Queers,and Mnemonic World Making

Audre Lorde's speech, “The Transformation of Silence into Language and Action, “sheds light on the margins of rhetoric in the sense of the public speech because she examines factors that may cause some people to remain silent while enabling others to speak and act. “Margins” refers both to the parameters employed for defining a practice and the relative place or value of varied activities exemplifying the practice. Lorde interweaves her commentary on the silence surrounding breast cancer with insights about silence drawn from her experiences as a member of several subordinated communities, especially as they relate to the misuse of power to silence those who are different. Her speech comments on silencing and power, sexism, verbal abuse, violence and sexualized aggression, shame, the taboo, and hostile social environments. Paradoxically, Lorde's speech is as much about the possibilities of rhetoric as its limits.     

Jefferson's other

This essay investigates how various representations of the public memory of Thomas Jefferson function rhetorically. Curiously, such representations depict a past for which no certain record exists. The portrayal of Jefferson's alleged affair with Sally Hemings in novels, films, and other discourses demonstrates that the rhetoric of public memory, which preserves the relevance and utility of the past for audiences in the present, is often sustained, not by a transparent or even plausible understanding of former persons and events, but by profound and potentially irresolvable confusions over the relationship between what is commemorated and those doing the commemorating. The essay scrutinizes how three different forms of rhetoric respond to such confusion by fashioning memories of Jefferson that reflect contemporary desires to explain the mysteries of his enigmatic past. Consequently, the essay argues that the contemporary public memory of Jefferson is defined by a discursive haunting of his official reputation in which various ghostly counterparts are said to represent what the official record can only suggest.     

Still Burning: Self-Immolation as Photographic Protest

Examining Malcolm Browne's photograph of the burning monk as well as appropriations of it by the Ministers' Vietnam Committee, I argue that self-immolation is a powerful rhetorical act that utilizes self-inflicted violence as a means of performing a visual embodiment of violence done by an “other.” I assert that the power and resonance of Browne's photograph stem from its freezing in time of what Barbie Zelizer terms “the about to die moment.” Additionally, this study expands Zelizer's concept by examining how appropriations of the burning monk image demonstrate the resonance of images of the dead and their potential to promote agency and civic engagement.     

Pink herring & the fourth persona: J. Edgar Hoover's sex crime panic

During the 1930s, sexuality significantly shaped J. Edgar Hoover's public discourse. In response to a homosexual panic that plagued the nation's men and endangered his public persona, Hoover engaged in a passing performance. His masking rhetoric employed the pink herring, a tactic that manipulated a moral panic about sex crime to stabilize gender and sexual norms, divert attention from his private life, and silence an invisible audience that I term the fourth persona.     

Lonely Courage,Commemorative Confrontation,and Communal Therapy: William James Remembers the Massachusetts 54th

On May 31, 1897, William James, one of America's most influential philosophers and psychologists, delivered the first civic oration of his career. The principal orator at the dedication of the Robert Gould Shaw memorial in Boston, James did what commemorative speakers are not supposed to do. He chose to be confrontational and divisive in a situation that called for exactly the opposite. Nevertheless, upon conclusion of his speech the audience erupted in applause, hailing his remarks as both unconventional and fitting. In this essay, I explore how James's speech could be both unconventional and fitting. I argue that his Shaw memorial oration demonstrates a style of commemorative discourse that is conflictual, even disruptive, yet capable of serving the ends of the epideictic tradition. As I show, James used his intellectual ethos as the nation's leading psychologist to construct a kind of communal therapy session, at the heart of which was the notion of “lonely courage.” With this strangely individualistic civic virtue, James turned his audience from spectators gazing upon the Shaw memorial to active participants in the memorial's meaning. Ultimately, his individualistic notion of civic virtue stands as an alternative to other forms of civic virtue and to the patterns of epideictic discourse that authorize them.     

Anger Among Allies: Audre Lorde's 1981 Keynote Admonishing the National Women's Studies Association

This essay argues that Audre Lorde's 1981 keynote speech, “The Uses of Anger: Women Responding to Racism,” has much to contribute to communication scholars’ understanding of human biases and rhetorical artistry. The significance of Lorde's subject is one reason for devoting critical attention to her speech, because, in contemporary public life in the United States, anger has abiding relevance in an extraordinary range of rhetoric and public address. Another reason for contemplating Lorde's speech is the fact that anger was a major theme throughout the internationally acclaimed poet-activist's advocacy. The essay suggests that Lorde's speech illustrates a communication technique, shifting subjectivities, which recurs in her rhetorical artistry.     

从修辞技巧赏析演讲《我有一个梦想》

修辞与演讲素有渊源,演讲者会使用一些修辞手段使得演讲有强烈说服力、表现力、感染力。马丁.路德.金的著名演说《我有一个梦想》使用了比喻、平行结构、反复、对比等修辞手法,显示出其杰出的语言驾驭能力,多种修辞的灵活运用,使文章形象生动,富有极强的感染力。     

Student Free Speech and Schools as Public Spaces

Free speech jurisprudence is caught between crediting the First Amendment rights of students when they resemble adults or restricting such rights when students seemingly act as children. In Morse v. Frederick (2007), the Supreme Court ruled against Joseph Frederick and his “Bong Hits 4 Jesus” banner because Frederick's speech seemed valueless as an adult act, as it lacked any discernible political value. In this essay, Neil Dhingra uses Hannah Arendt's thought to argue that schools should not be interpreted as political spaces but as social spaces where educational authorities should exercise forbearance as students such as Frederick learn to exercise their free speech rights. In particular, students will practice their First Amendment rights by exposing and exploring the discrepancy between appearance and reality, through dark forms of humor, and in forming different types of friendship, all of which schools are unlikely to be able to manage or interpret. Recognizing these unruly and quasi‐humorous forms of First Amendment practice helps make sense of Frederick's banner. Dhingra argues that in order to create space for students to develop freely — that is, without being subject to excessive scrutiny or succumbing to the danger of conformity, or both — schools should show a wide but not unlimited tolerance to speech like that of Frederick, which may otherwise be dismissed as childish and valueless “gibberish.”     

Black hands push back: Reconsidering the rhetoric of Booker T. Washington

Booker T. Washington has long been considered a great compromiser—but not in a way that reflects positively on him. In his infamous Atlanta Exposition Address, he supposedly compromised with the segregationist South in a push for mere economic opportunity for African Americans. This essay, however, reconsiders Washington’s rhetoric, including his speech in Atlanta, by exploring the ways he spoke about human hands, deploying a language that positioned his listeners as agents of resistance capable of pushing back against systems of oppression. Beyond offering a reinterpretation, however, I argue that Washington adeptly navigated the tensions of race, geography, and body of his era and thereby expanded the constituency of civil-rights participants beyond those clustered in Northern urban communities. Ultimately, Washington’s rhetoric of hands prompts us to reconsider his place in the American and African American rhetorical traditions, and it demonstrates the importance of geography in rhetorical criticism.     

Reclaiming the Rhetoric of Reies López Tijerina: Border Identity and Agency in “The Land Grant Question”

Chicano activist Reies Tijerina's speech known as “The Land Grant Question” provides a point of analysis in this article for assessing contradictory understandings of Tijerina and his movement, La Alianza Federal de Mercedes. The author explores how in both its rhetorical content and form, Tijerina's speech navigated and negotiated identity and agency for the Alianza and Mexican Americans. The speech represents border rhetoric, a type of vernacular discourse that migrates across borders, sustains contradictions, and crafts a middle space. Reclaiming Tijerina's rhetoric extends Chicano movement studies, illuminates notions of rhetorical agency, and highlights a rhetorically-inflected notion of the border.     

“The Quare in the Square”: Queer Memory,Sensibilities, and Oscar Wilde

Oscar Wilde is perhaps the most well-known historical homosexual in the public imagination. However, for a new generation of queers less connected to “gay” labels, Wilde appears other and forgettable. To reanimate Wilde's memory for twenty-first-century queers and ensure his legacy going forward, I read the 1997 Oscar Wilde monument in Dublin, Ireland. Through discursive, visual, and material analyses, I argue the monument first complicates Wilde's sexuality, casting doubt on his gay label. Second, the monument reframes Wilde as the practitioner of a proto-queer sensibility. In doing so, the monument marks historical anachronisms and renders Wilde a more resonant figure for contemporary queer audiences.     

比尔·克林顿的“我犯了罪”讲话中体现的多重身份

这篇论文以美国前总统比尔·克林顿就其与莫尼卡·莱温斯基的性丑闻事件所发表的公开演说“我犯了罪”为倒,分析了总统认同的复杂性。克林顿运用宗教和公共讲话文体把其身份与各种听众区分开来,从而保持其作为总统的身份。     

Tales of a Texas Cynic: Theodore O. Windt Remembered

In memory of Professor Ted Windt, this essay considers his significant contributions to rhetorical scholarship and pedagogy. It examines his unique contributions to our understandings of American presidential and protest rhetoric of the late 20th century, highlighting his application of Greek cynicism as explanatory schema for American protest rhetoric and then recounting Windt's framework for analyzing “crisis” rhetoric as appropriated by recent American presidents to advance their agendas. The essay then considers Windt's pedagogical perspectives and argues that Windt's teaching itself was acclaimed because it was rooted in the rhetorical and oratorical excellence. In conclusion, it is argued that Ted Windt was a unique and important rhetorical scholar and critic whose life and work provide lasting scholarly contributions and a robust model for achieving excellence in the college classroom.