Who pays? Who benefits? Who decides?

This paper was presented at the symposium dedicated to the 25th anniversary of the publication of Patrons Despite Themselves: Taxpayers and Arts Policy (Feld et al. 1983), held by the Association for Cultural Economics International, Boston, June 2008. It considers alternative means of providing indirect tax-based state support of the arts, such as the use of tax credits as opposed to tax deductions for charitable contributions, matching grants, and support applied to specific projects. It also considers the problem of broad-based changes to tax policy that have unintended consequences for arts organizations.      

司乘见死不救 有罪?无罪?

乘客在出租车上受到歹徒袭击, “的哥”却置若罔闻。他到底应该受到道义上的谴责, 还是法律的惩罚? 同样面对生命危险, “的哥”应否见义勇为?     

画人乎? 画魂乎?

历史上的潘玉良潘玉良,原名陈玉清,1895年生于扬州,父母早逝,少年沦落风尘,身世坎坷。幸得潘赞化为其赎身,嫁潘为妻,遂改名潘玉良。潘玉良旅法四十多年,潜心钻研画艺,坚持“融中西画于一冶”,创作出许多优秀作品,在法国多次参加具有代表性的沙龙展览,并在美国、英国、意大利、比利时、卢森堡等国举办过个人画展。获得的奖项有:法国金像奖、比利时金质奖章和银盾奖、意大利罗马国际艺术金盾奖等共计二十多个。法国现代艺术博物馆、塞奴西博物馆、教育博物馆、巴黎市博物馆均收藏有潘玉良的作品。著名世界美术史家、美国史坦福大学教授苏利文认为潘玉良是“当代能使中西艺术融合的少数中国画家中一位杰出的榜样”。潘玉良生前曾多次准备回国,但因种种原因未能如愿,临终时嘱托友人一定要奖其作品奉献给国人。潘玉良去世后,经过辗转艰辛,潘玉良的四干多件遗作终于回到祖国,收藏于安徽省博物馆。在这批作品中,计有油画360幅,国画350幅,另有白描、版画、雕塑、水粉、速写等三千多件。从中可以看出潘王良的作品题材广泛,视野开阔,以印象派技法为主,同时揉进中国民族、民间艺术的特点,以线条入画,技法娴熟,笔力遒劲,充分体现了自己独特的风格。     

民主?宪政?话语权?——现代社会农民工话语权分析

农民工话语权对于农民工公民主体地位的实现,社会主义民主的推进意义重大.但现实社会中,农民工话语权并未得到真正的实现,农民工仍处于失语状态,文章就此进行了分析.     

中美智库比较:差距?差异?

正2 014年10月24日,中央全面深化改革领导小组第六次会议审议了《关于加强中国特色新型智库建设的意见》。习近平强调,需要"重点建设一批具有较大影响力和国际影响力的高端智库"。这是十八大以来中央最高层至少是第五次公开强调智库建设,也是第一次从"国际影响力"的角度阐述智库建设的重点性。在本专栏刊发的文章中,笔者曾论及国际传播与影响力对智库的重要性,本文拟从国际亲历的角度比较一下中美智库的差距与差异。     

话说?说话

我刚来北京的时候,很不习惯的士司机的聒噪.那时刚去新单位就职,陌生的节奏和人际关系,仿佛不能确定的洪水随时能够淹没我.常常深夜才离开,拦一辆车,师傅跟我搭讪几句,见我不响应,便扭开电台.评书声洪亮饱满,像一颗硕大金黄的向日葵,立刻撑满了的士空间.     

你怕什么?

我怕古装戏。——怕女的都叫格格,男的全是阿哥。怕才子爱上青楼,小姐今夜私奔。怕后来出生的人,都认为历史是从清朝开始的。我怕背景音乐。——时刻都在被强制听单调重复的背景音乐,超市里天天是"常回家看看",电梯里循环播放"致爱丽丝"。我怕拍马屁。——不得不拍别人马屁,自己恶心;看别人拍马屁,起鸡皮疙瘩;别人拍自己马屁,知道自己又要被人利用。我怕拖欠薪水。——在流行用未来钱、把     

RESOCIALIZING FINANCE? OR DRESSING IT IN MUFTI?

Critical accounts of the financialization of the world economy decry the depersonalization and abstraction effected by finance in the service of extraction, expropriation and dispossession. Analysts and activists alike seek to re-socialize finance so that those whose interests it serves can be identified and so that new, socially embedded forms of exchange can emerge. They also seek to re-ground finance in a ‘real’, presumably material and social, fabric so that its excesses can be tamed and the sources of value made apparent. My essay questions these paired critiques and their supposed aims. It will argue that the continual attempt to reassert the social in economy points to a limit to the critical imagination, and that the critique of calculative rationality misses some of the other functions and practical effects of numbers besides commensuration and abstraction.     

说话? 说话

我刚来北京的时候,很不习惯的士司机的聒噪。那时刚去新单位就职,陌生的节奏和人际关系,仿佛不能确定的洪水随时能够淹没我。常常深夜才离开,拦一辆车,师傅跟我搭讪几句,见我不响应,便扭开电台。评书声洪亮饱满,像一颗硕大金黄的向日葵,立刻撑满了的士空间。     

Academic Evaluation: Universal Instrument? Tool for Development?

Research agendas and academic evaluation are inevitably linked. By means of economic incentives, promotion, research funding, and reputation academic evaluation is a powerful influence on the production of knowledge; moreover, it is often conceived as a universal instrument without consideration of the context in which it is applied. Evaluation systems are social constructions in dispute, being the current focus of international debates regarding criteria, indicators, and their associated methods. A universalist type of productivity indicators is gaining centrality in academic evaluation with profound effects on the content of research that is conducted everywhere. Specifically, evaluation systems based on this type of indicators are sending negative signals to scientists willing to conduct research on contextualized agendas, particularly those negotiated with non scientists. On the basis of theoretical and empirical studies documented on the specialized literature and extensive personal engagement with university research policy in Uruguay, we argue that the consolidation of evaluation practices of alleged universal validity deteriorates and discourages a type of research which is undeniably important in developing contexts.     

徽文化有什么?

余秋雨先生在考察了希腊埃及巴比伦印度等几大人类古文明发祥地之后,十分忧伤地慨叹:人类几大文明发祥地都已衰落无一例外。衰落有诸多原因,但危害最大的是军事远征和宗教战争。军事远征胜利的一方总是要对战败的一方实行文化奴役,这对被奴役的文化是一种毁灭性的摧残,有埃及、耶路撒冷、巴比伦、伊朗、印度的废墟为证。宗教战争是一种精神的扫荡,专选别人的文明动刀。宗教战争和宗教征服来回穿梭,屠夫比武.漫漫沙场尸横遍野血流成河。这实在与宗教创立者的慈善原则完全背道而驰。最后,秋雨先生将中华文明和域外文明作了一个对比,得出的结论是中国古代的君王都以自己为天下的中心,所以都不喜欢远征别国,因而中华文明从根子上主张和平自守。你看在中国商代、埃及已经远征了西亚:孔子时代,波斯远征了巴比伦,又远征了埃及;到了屈原时代,希腊的亚历山大还在远征埃及和巴比伦,而且波斯和希腊,都已抵达印度。那时中国也打,但大多只是内部纷争,与人家一比简直是彻底的本     

厕所运动推动者?

子曰:"吾十有五而志于学,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳顺,七十而从心所欲,不逾矩."     

与你无关?

社会上曾流行一句话:"与你无关。"这是我不喜欢的一句话,是一句粗鲁、冷漠的话。也许有些夸大,但我还是要说,世上所有的人可能都与你有关。我还在念小学时,听到一则难忘的故事:一位富家小姐在车内吃香蕉,发现香蕉腐烂不能吃,使随手扔到车窗外面。某穷人家的孩子经过那里,拾起那香蕉来吃,结果这孩子吃坏了肚子,发烧了。当天晚上。富家小姐父亲的工厂发生火灾,物品全部被烧毁。因为当夜值班的     

谁毁灭谁?

我很爱看小孩子玩电子游戏,看他们沉浸在想像与参与的快乐中,星眼圆睁,十指联动,小小的身体在椅子上左右腾挪,俨然一场恢弘战役的领袖。     

吃饱不读书?

也许可以这么说,一个"吃"字和一个"家"字,体现了中国人基本的价值取向。什么都可以丢开,就是这两个东西丢不得,实在被逼到墙角了,高尚一点的人可以为了家而牺牲吃,而品性差一点的则往往为了吃而牺牲家。"吃"作为价值取向,主要表现在多数人活着是为了吃,而不是看起来更为合理的吃是为了活着。食不果腹的时候当然谈不上价值观,但是只要国人有了余钱剩米,吃顿好的,或者顿顿吃好的,就成了人们每日的不懈追求。国人有福,吃顿饺子都要攒肉票的时代总算过去了。虽然农民还很苦,但解决了温饱并进入小康的人家毕竟很     

赵本山,异想天开?

赵本山今年是全国人大代表。两会上,他的提案是建立农民电视台。有人撰文说:赵本山的建议和《政府工作报告》、《中共中央国务院关于推进社会主义新农村建设的若干意见》以及《"十一五"规划》结合起来看,赵本山关于建立农民电视台的建议显然经过了深入的思考,有充分的前瞻理由。获此消息,笔者不禁愕然:一只在农村生活了那么多年的"耗子",怎么一进城,就有了"猫"的眼光呢?是因为扩大了视野,还是     

WAGES OF SIN?

The ‘global credit crunch’ is only the latest and most virulent among a series of financial crises stretching back to the 1970s and beyond. Yet, more than any of its predecessors, the current crisis is being presented in apocalyptical libidinal terms. Accounts of the crisis and its aftermath tend to be predicated on a sharp contrast drawn between prudent, conservative, risk averse, sober financial practice and a more exuberant, greedy, hedonistic, risky counterpart.

This kind psychosexual analysis is neither new, nor does it represent an accurate depiction of the dilemmas and challenges posed by modern finance. It tacitly suggests, for example, that a return to ‘traditional financial values’ (akin to repeated calls for returns to ‘family values’) would restore calm and normality to a system undermined by the excesses of the perverse few.

This paper argues that although a return to ‘traditional values’ is unlikely to solve any of the current problems, the representation of the crisis and its aftermath is significant. The crisis and its aftermath are embroiled in a wider fundamentalist and puritanical backlash against ‘hedonistic’ capitalism. It represents not a crisis of capitalism as a whole, but a schism within (predominantly) financial communities over the morality and acceptability of ‘risk’. As such, a strongly libidinal language already common within the markets is being adapted and redeployed to create new divisions and exceptions in the context of crisis.     

“看不见的宣传”:为什么?怎么能?

正"看不见的宣传"是高水平的传播,需要传播者发挥更多主动性和创造性。而这种主动性和创造性是建立在对"看不见的宣传"的理论自觉基础上的。有些困惑不免横亘在前往理论自觉的道路之上,比如"为什么是宣传而不是通常意义上所说的传播"、"开展看不见的宣传与一般意义上强调传播策略有什么区别",等等,这些显然是需要深入思考的。一、为什么仍有对外"宣传""从对外宣传走向国际传播"是业内许多人研究和呼吁过的,认为这更符合当今时代要求和相关领域的内     

没底的杯子?

山西孝义。他开着几十万吨生产能力的焦化厂,没有环保设施。村子就在离它不到50米的地方,裹在烟里什么也看不清。空气里都是焦油的臭味,致癌物超标至少9倍。他对着镜头满腹委屈:"光说我不环保,怎么不说我慈善啊,这个村子里的老人,我每年白给他们六百块钱,过年还要送米送面。"他冷笑:"当儿子都没有我这么孝顺。"