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AbstractThis research is part of a larger phenomenon about the diffusion and transmission of football in various British colonies, particularly in Asia. After the British occupied the Straits Settlements of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore and enforced indirect rule in the Federated Malay States of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang and Unfederated Malay States of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, and Trengganu and Johore, they established sports clubs and played football. They also introduced the game to the Malay, Chinese, Eurasian, Indian, and Sikh communities. In 1921, the British donated the HMS Malaya Cup for football. The inaugural football league consisted of seven colony or state teams and players from the European and local communities. During the first decade (1921–1930), two outstanding European and six local players were highlighted. By the end of next 11 years (1931–1941), 10 teams took part in the competition. During this period, 10 outstanding players emerged from the local communities. Singapore appeared in all 21?Cup finals winning 12 times and drew twice. Selangor was 14 times finalists winning four times and drew twice. Perak won twice out of three final appearances. Kedah and Penang were losing finalists 1940 and 1941, respectively. 相似文献
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Luise Elsaesser 《Sport in History》2020,40(1):1-27
ABSTRACTThe period from 1870 to the Great War was defined by a new and more intensive phase of imperialism. Following previous debates initiated by scholars such as MacKenzie, Burton, or Bayly this article analyses the impact of Empire on the metropole. In suggesting that the imperial space was not a one-way street, the paper is going beyond Said's orientalist approach. This argument uses the example of the Indian game of polo. Unlike most imperial sports, polo was adapted by the British from their colonial subjects, creating the opportunity of a common cultural space. How did polo influence socio-cultural and political power constellations in India and the metropole? The paper will provide nuance on regional contexts and the effects of sport on specific groups. Unpacking the resulting interdependencies, ambivalences, and the mutability of polo in the British imperial self-image, the paper does not neglect Indian agency. Polo showcases an interrelation of ideas and beliefs which are used to understand the respective environment as well as the internationalisation of sport. Researching sport in an imperial context and its interactions on a local and transnational level can thus display rising asymmetries of political, cultural, and social agencies in a global process. 相似文献
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《Sport in History》2013,33(4):519-543
This article presents extensive new material in ‘the origins of football debate’ by using the British Library's digitisation project of nineteenth-century newspapers. In so doing, it responds to claims from Graham Curry and Eric Dunning that previous works of the ‘revisionist historians’ John Goulstone, Adrian Harvey and Peter Swain are misleading and have led to hasty conclusions. It evidences a football culture beyond the domain of the public schools and highlights the shift in the locus of games from urban areas to paddocks and fields complying with the Highways and Police Acts. This compliance reduced the number of prosecutions covered in newspaper reports of the day but other games, in which misdemeanours took place, are recorded, suggesting that a broad football culture did still exist in this period. The article rejects Curry and Dunning's thesis surrounding a mid-century ‘civilising spurt’ in sport in favour of explanations surrounding the structural changes taking place in the nineteenth century, including increasing industrialisation, urbanisation, population growth, and migrationary movements. It also emphasises the emergence of a horizontally stratified class-based society and an attack on football games from an emerging social and industrial elite who were looking after their property and commercial interests. 相似文献
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Malcolm Tozer 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(12):1436-1454
Much has been published on sport in Britain's private schools of the Victorian and Edwardian eras, but no research of modern policy, practice and outcomes has been conducted since the 1970s. Assessment of the contribution of these schools to Team GB at recent summer Olympic Games – and to international sport in general – by politicians, sports leaders and physical education lobbyists has thus largely been informed by speculation. Future government policy on physical education and sport in schools may therefore be influenced by flawed evidence. This article examines the schooling of all members of Team GB for the summer Olympic Games of 2000–2012, and compares the contribution of its privately educated and state-educated members in terms of performance in competition and medals won. Online research using the websites of schools, sports associations, governing bodies of sport, Olympic associations and the media, together with biographies of sportsmen and sportswomen, provided information about each team member's schooling, sporting background and Olympic record. The speculation was inaccurate – exaggerating the proportion of privately educated members of Team GB but underestimating their contribution. 相似文献
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Geoff Watson 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(17):2105-2122
AbstractThis paper argues that the 1914 England Women’s hockey tour of Australia and New Zealand has an ambiguous place within wider progress narratives of women’s sport. It created some important sporting precedents, being the first time Australian and New Zealand women’s teams had taken the field. The media reception of the tour was mixed. While the social pages and some of match commentary focused on the appearance of the players, the majority presented the tour as a worthy sporting spectacle. Indeed in the final match the New Zealand team was billed as the ‘All Blacks’, the name normally associated with national men’s teams. Moreover, the symbolic importance of the tour was enhanced by the fact that the tourists were accorded the same rites and rituals accorded men’s touring teams to New Zealand: parliamentary and civic receptions; playing in the leading sporting venues and being linked to imperial bonding. 相似文献
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Lim Peng Han 《国际体育史杂志》2018,35(12-13):1217-1237
AbstractThe Singapore Football Association (SFA) was founded in 1892. In 1904, the YMCA initiated the first football league with 12 teams from military and European clubs and School Old Boys’ teams. The first phase from 1904 to 1913 was restricted to European and Eurasian only. The military teams won six out of the nine tournaments. The second phase of the league began in 1917 and from 1921 to 1941. The Straits Chinese Football Association (SCFA) took part in the league and the rejuvenated SFA included a representative from the SCFA. The Singapore Football League started with two divisions 1921 and participating teams from the SCFA in the same year and the Malaya Football Association (MFA) in 1924. The SCFA won the league for the first time in 1925 and subsequently in 1930, 1937, and 1938. In 1929, the SFA was renamed the Singapore Amateur Football Association (SAFA). The MFA won the League for the first time in 1931, and the first local team to win three years in succession from 1931 to 1933. From 1931 to 1941 the local teams won seven league titles out of 11. By 1940 the League grew with 44 teams in three divisions. 相似文献
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It is generally accepted that organised Association football (soccer) commenced in Australia in Sydney in 1880. This article challenges that starting point by revealing earlier games of codified soccer – not in order to establish an earlier point of origin but to challenge the very idea of origins. Recent work on football in Australia in the 1850s has begun to gather the unearthed traces of rule-bounded small-sided games brought to Australia from Britain and Ireland. Some of these were games with a strong developmental link to present day soccer in Australia. Yet the nearly disabling problem for this kind of research is that as researchers venture archivally backward in time the images become more blurred and the distinctions between codes become harder to make. Even as potential origin points become temporally closer they recede into the shadows of archival absence. The dilemma for football historians lies in the necessity of engagement with the established origins that lie at the heart of the historiography of all major sports, origins that both orient and limit debate. Present-day administrators use anniversaries of origin to generate publicity. They help to get stories rolling: ‘Once upon a time Wills or Webb Ellis or Doubleday did something so special that they got a great game started.’ Aside from often being simply incorrect, origin theses tend to nurture hegemonic narratives that by their very nature rule counter-narratives out of bounds. 相似文献
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There has been very little study of female football spectators, especially in a historical context. This paper aims to demonstrate that despite the restrictions placed on women's leisure time in this period, it is clear from evidence that a small but significant number of women could and did attend professional football matches throughout the period, and participated as consumers in this new leisure industry. Contrary to some modern readings that assume that the female football spectator is a relatively new phenomenon, patterns of leisure consumption were similar for women in this context, albeit with certain important restrictions, such as available leisure time, money, and parental and familial responsibilities. The study illustrates the potential female market for professional football, using numerous examples of women attending matches gathered from contemporary evidence, especially from the cotton area of South East Lancashire, where there was a concentration of early professional clubs within an economically developed industrialised society. It discusses issues of identity, both regional and local, and with respect to particular football clubs. It also describes female reactions to incidents, players and significant events, indicating the similarities and differences between the sexes, and addresses the issue of how far women were fans as well as spectators. There is also some discussion of the patterns of consumption of female spectators, and an attempt to establish a profile for them. The study uses local newspapers from Lancashire as its main primary source material. As there is little other direct information on the subject, such local materials are an important source for the history of this aspect of professional football, as they are for other areas of Victorian and Edwardian social history. 相似文献
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Anthony John Arnold 《Sport in History》2016,36(1):47-72
Sporting leagues are generally based on collectivist principles, as the members need one another to produce their product. For much of its existence, the Football League has functioned as a cartel, operating income-sharing arrangements and controlling its membership. In the period from 1959 to 1986, a limited number of clubs left the League through the re-election process, in modest recognition of geographical logic, as clubs from growth areas to the south typically replaced clubs from more traditional economic areas that were often over-represented in the Football League. Clubs are widely seen to be utility-maximisers seeking success. Success in a sporting league is defined in a precise and relativist way and this article focuses on two of the least successful clubs to have played in the Football League, Barrow AFC and Workington FC, whose failure to obtain repeated re-election in the 1970s removed the only Football League clubs in a distinct economic zone, the north-west coastal steel district. This article examines the re-election mechanism and the particular economic factors that affected these two clubs, ranging from the decline of their main local industry to changes in the levels of and responsibilities attaching to rising cross-subsidy payments in the Football League. 相似文献
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AbstractMatch-fixing has been a key term in Chinese professional football since its inception in the early 1990s. In the light of notorious match-fixing scandals, criticism has arisen that the professionalization of football and the inflow of the free market system mirror the evils of capitalism in post-reform Chinese society. This paper, however, aims to offer an alternative perspective on the inherent governing deficiencies of Chinese professional football, to elaborate on the causes of these match-fixing incidents. By analyzing the status of each corruption-involved actor within the governance structure of Chinese professional football, the paper argues that the following factors collectively account for a large part of the historical and institutional causation of the rampant match-fixing scandals in Chinese professional football: the underplayed role of sport law; the overplayed role of Chinese Football Association officials; the ambiguous ownership and decision-making processes of the clubs; and, the powerless and unprotected role of the referees, the players, and the coaches. 相似文献
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Sébastien Stumpp 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(4):658-674
The study explores, with the use of a local example (the province of Alsace), the conditions of the sportization of skiing in Germany prior to the First World War. Common sense credits the upper class with playing a predominant role in this transformation of skiing into a sport. The author believes, on the contrary, that it is the employees (middle class) who are the principal actors. These key stakeholders of the new middle class (Neu Mittelstand) thus express symbolically their role in the modernization of German society, as well as their ambition to climb the social ladder. Furthermore, they make use of the same values they use consistently in their everyday working environment: applied knowledge, rationalization, technicalization, performance comparison and decisiveness. Based on a corpus of original reference sources (administration and association archives, press releases and special journals) the study reinforces the hypothesis that certain physical activities become the true ‘sports for employees’. 相似文献
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Gavin Kitching 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(13):1733-1749
A close reading of recent contributions to the ‘origins of football’ debate suggests that there is now more consensus among scholars about the broad sequence of events than is rhetorically allowed. However, this consensus itself rests on some shared conceptual and methodological illusions. These include: a continual naivety about the use of the name ‘football’ in the primary source materials; asystematic underestimation of forms of play (and a collateral overestimation of the importance of rules and codifications) in the development of football; and, above all, a widely shared, and very dubious, conviction that the pursuit of the historical origins of football is a meaningful activity. This article analyses each ofthese illusions in turn and suggests some methodological and substantive alternatives to them. These alternatives sum to the conclusion that the origin of both modern football codes is a far more remarkable and many-sided story than has been appreciated, even in the very best research to date. Moreover, it is a story whose many dimensions and implications go well beyond the borders of Britain, and indeed beyond the history of ‘soccer’ or ‘rugby’ alone. 相似文献
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Peter Swain 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(5):631-649
This article seeks to add to the growing volume of evidence of a broad, tenacious and visible footballing culture throughout nineteenth-century Britain. It is argued that football persisted among the general population in a variety of forms, none of which required the assistance or involvement of the public schools or public schoolboys to ensure its survival as some historians had previously believed. Indeed, the sheer number of games, evidenced in a variety of forms and a variety of settings, suggests beyond reasonable doubt that most forms of football being played across the country were not formal matches but small-sided games played on church, works' or schools' outings, at rural fetes, galas and celebrations, or as street or casual football, the latter taking place on meadows, fields and greens. Contrary to orthodox historians, these games did survive through mid-century. Importantly, these were predominantly small-sided games and are the ones which are closest to Association football as it was codified in 1863 and hence of most interest to the debate on origins. Common sense then dictates that football can be seen as a cultural continuity, especially as far as the traditions of male youth are concerned, across the nineteenth century. 相似文献