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1.
After centuries of “Eurocentric” linguistic ideology, the South African government has formulated African language development and multilingualism as one priority in the education system. While only English, and decreasingly Afrikaans, are the only “established” languages of instruction at tertiary level, most universities in the country have revised their language policies in order to show commitment to South Africa’s evident multilingualism. This article provides a critical analysis of particular language and identity politics in one of the leading tertiary institutions of the country. The theoretical framework is based on a critical sociolinguistic approach that draws attention to polarizing identity politics in relation to language policy, planning and implementation. Methodologically grounded in ethnography, the article has a two-fold perspective. First, it analyses particular language policy rhetoric at the University on focus and argues that its essentialist approach to Africanisation triggers contested identity politics. Second, the article provides insights into the developments of specific implementations, pointing to ideological as well as practical challenges at the university on focus.  相似文献   

2.
This article combines a historical with a social/political anthropological framework to examine the role played by the transfer of educational discourse between the United States‐based Phelps‐Stokes Fund and the Belgian Ministry of Colonies in the formulation of the colonial education policy of “adapted education” in the 1920s. The author argues that the transfer of racialized discourses of education and educational language was instrumental in the political governance of both metropole and colony as well as in improving the image of Belgian colonialism in the international political arena. In particular, the author emphasizes the political clout of the Catholic Party and the role played by two problems that ascended to the center stage of Belgian national politics after World War I (i.e. the cost of rebuilding the country and the so‐called “Flemish problem”) to show how colonial educational policy, and national and international politics are interconnected.  相似文献   

3.
Reading historical intelligence community documents primarily through the lens of Kenneth Burke's essay “Semantic and Poetic Meaning,” this article explores the history and stakes of the intelligence community's ongoing commitment to a problematic model of language use. The essay argues that the intelligence community's pursuit of a “mathematical” ideology of language is an attempt to render language “neutral” and to divorce rhetoric from ethics in ways that Burke anticipated, and with negative consequences for the generation of written intelligence reports and national policy decisions.  相似文献   

4.
Gunther M Hega 《Compare》2001,31(2):205-227
This article argues that identity and language issues exert a powerful influence on the politics and policies of education in Switzerland. Regional and local linguistic and cultural differences affect the education policies of the Swiss federal government, the 26 Swiss cantons, and the more than 3000 Swiss communities. Switzerland's highly decentralized political system and its mechanisms of direct democratic citizens' participation force educational policy-makers at the national, regional, and local level to take into account not only their own locality's culture and language, but also that of their neighboring towns, cantons, and regions. The article uses the example of the introduction of second language instruction as a case study to illustrate why and how education policy at all levels of the polity reflects Switzerland's cultural and linguistic diversity and the strong local and regional identities of the Swiss citizenry.  相似文献   

5.
Since Joseph Nye introduced the concept of “Soft power” in his 1991 book, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power, analysts have discussed states' efforts to exercise their influence by attracting and co-opting rather than coercing or using force. This paper will examine enrolments trends in Indonesian language in Australian universities, in the context of Indonesia's public diplomacy and Australian government educational policy. Enrolment data and trend analysis updates the 2012 National Report on Indonesian in Australian Universities: Strategies for a stronger future. Then, using statistics provided by a recent Newspoll commissioned by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the article explores Australian attitudes to Indonesia in the context of Indonesia's limited linguistic “soft power”. It concludes that the fluctuations in Indonesian language learning in Australia and Australian attitudes to Indonesia generally appear more influenced by Australian government policy than any conscious efforts by Indonesia to exercise “soft power”. It concludes that it is to the advantage of both countries that Indonesian language learning be better promoted and supported.  相似文献   

6.
The knowledge economy is a dominant force in today's world, and innovation policy and national systems of innovation are central to it. In this article, we draw on different sociological and economic theories of risk to engage critically with innovation policy and national systems of innovation. Beck's understanding of a risk society, Schumpeter's innovation thesis, and Perez's techno-economic paradigm are used to consider the risk economy, and the broader risk implications of knowledge economy policies and their associated innovation systems. Derrida's theory of haunting provides the methodological framework for our discussion. We use his notion of “hauntology” to conceptualize the risk economy as a ghost that haunts knowledge economy policies and systems. The spectral risk economy draws attention to the inherent instability of the knowledge economy, and challenges the certainty of its economic dogma by offering an alternative perspective. The risk economy problematizes knowledge economy policies and systems by revealing the uncertain and “undecidable” future of social, political and cultural hazards ignored in the interest of commercial gain.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract

Beginning with linguistic performance as currently defined, this article systematically pursues its implications to and through the notion of “successful communication.” The four divisions of the article attempt explorations of the following questions: What does linguistic performance do? What place does it have in a theory of communication? What are the practical implications of such a theory in connection with actual language use? How is all this relevant to problems of what we take to be “linguistically underprivileged” (minority) groups? The article concludes that the concept of linguistic performance, “scientifically” based, is not significant in successful communication, which is an art.  相似文献   

8.
9.
The study of children's language development has been strongly influenced since the 1950s by linguistic research. How well, however, has the education of young children incorporated the concept of psychological reality, which interrelates the child's perceptual and cognitive development with linguistic and non-linguistic events in his/her environment? In reply to this question, the paper concentrates on“sharing time”, known also as“show and tell”, which has both affective and cognitive value. Although sharing time is a student-centered activity, the teacher plays a pivotal role in establishing its context, structure and norms. Feedback from the teacher and peers promotes language development, and the growth of curiosity and inquisitiveness. The article is derived from experience in teaching kindergarten teachers to conduct sharing time periods in Saudi Arabia. Practical suggestions are made for the implementation of the activity, in the interests of encouraging spontaneous and personalized language rather than focusing on evaluation of students' competence in the formal aspects of language development.  相似文献   

10.
The purpose of the present study is to examine the language characteristics of a few states' large-scale assessments of mathematics and science and investigate whether the language demands of the items are associated with the degree of differential item functioning (DIF) for English language learner (ELL) students. A total of 542 items from 11 assessments at Grades 4, 5, 7, and 8 from three states were rated for the linguistic complexity based on a developed linguistic coding scheme. The linguistic ratings were compared to each item's DIF statistics. The results yielded a stronger association between the linguistic rating and DIF statistics for ELL students in the “relatively easy” items than in the “not easy” items. Particularly, general academic vocabulary and the amount of language in an item were found to have the strongest association with the degrees of DIF, particularly for ELL students with low English language proficiency. Furthermore, the items were grouped into four bundles to closely look at the relationship between the varying degrees of language demands and ELL students' performance. Differential bundling functioning (DBF) results indicated that the exhibited DBF was more substantial as the language demands increased. By disentangling linguistic difficulty from content difficulty, the results of the study provide strong evidence of the impact of linguistic complexity on ELL students' performance on tests. The study discusses the implications for the validation of the tests and instructions for ELL students.  相似文献   

11.
This study examines the speeches and events of Theodore Roosevelt's New England tour of 1902. Specifically, it looks at how Roosevelt developed a representative anecdote of the “good citizen” as a basis for his political philosophy and his advocacy of policy initiatives. This representative anecdote allowed Roosevelt's audiences to participate in the rhetorical situation as an enactment of the “good citizen” and thus provided a strong presence for Roosevelt's argument. Implications for understanding both Roosevelt's rhetoric as well as the concept of the rhetorical presidency are discussed.  相似文献   

12.
This article builds on the author's earlier work, published in Vol. 28 No. 1 of this journal, that critiqued the Orientalist legacy in Anglo-American discussions of Japanese education. One of the manifestations of this legacy is the prevailing view among the Anglo-American observers of Japanese education that Japanese education is the “exception” to the recent global restructuring movement. This article problematizes this view by exposing a similar but differently articulated structural change in Japanese education over the past three decades. Drawing on cultural studies and critical discourse analysis, the author focuses on the two policy keywords that the Ministry of Education has consistently used by for the past three decades: kosei (individuality) and yutori (low pressure). Tracing the complex histories of articulation and rearticulation of these policy keywords, the author demonstrates how the keywords, which had been associated with progressive political struggles against the Ministry's central control of public education, were mobilized to reconstitute people's common sense about education and thus to naturalize the radical systemic change towards the neo-liberal, post-welfare settlement. In conclusion, the author discusses the implication of the study to the field of comparative and international education, calling for a more critical, reflexive engagement with the field's preoccupation with “national differences”.  相似文献   

13.
The intent of the article is to provide an analysis of Catalan language use in the school classroom from a historical, political and socio-linguistic perspective. In so doing, this article seeks to explain Catalan's remarkable revival in Catalonia over the past twenty years, particularly in the area of education. Catalan language policy in the schools mirrors language policies pursued in other sectors of Catalan society, and is consistent with Catalan's increasing social and institutional use. The article steadily narrows the focus of its analysis, beginning first with a discussion at the national level, then at the regional level, and finally at the school level. Subsequent to this analysis, the article then sets out what it considers to be the principal challenges facing Catalan in the schools today and in the years ahead, and possible solutions to them.  相似文献   

14.
Language-in-education policies are a highly debated topic in Africa and at the root of understanding inequalities in Africa's education systems. This article explores the implementation of Uganda's recent local language education policy; how it has been received and practiced in urban and rural contexts, and the major challenges and implications addressed by education stakeholders in each context. The study confirms that the use of local languages as the language of instruction has contributed to the improvement of literacy skills, children's participation in lessons, and their understanding of content. Nevertheless, the local language policy was fiercely disputed by teachers, parents and various authorities at district and national levels, as many appeared to be concerned with the policy constraining children's academic success at upper primary levels and limiting their transition to secondary education. Through the study, the authors highlight critical misconceptions and assumptions in language-in-education within both policy development and in local education practices and perceptions. The article points to a review of language-in-education in its entirety; across mediums of instruction and assessment for lower and upper primary levels; across teaching methodologies for second language acquisition in multilingual environments; and across socio-economic divides in rural and urban regions of the country.  相似文献   

15.
段薇  李佳  林喻贤 《唐山学院学报》2019,32(5):65-69,98
综述了孟加拉国语言概况,运用Cooper的语言规划理论,从地位规划、本体规划和教育规划三个方面梳理了孟加拉国的语言政策,并分析其特点。研究发现:孟加拉国多民族的"熔炉"文化造就了语言的多元化特点;孟加拉政府立法规定孟加拉语的国语地位,但英语已渗透到社会各个领域;孟加拉国的语言政策仍不完善,忽视少数民族语言。孟加拉国的语言政策和规划特征,可为我国语言战略的制定和实施提供参考。  相似文献   

16.
According to Fanny Law Fan Chiu-fun, the former Permanent Secretary for Education and Manpower, the most significant education policy in recent years in Hong Kong was undoubtedly the new academic structure commonly known as “334.” As schools, universities, and the community at large seemed to accept the new academic structure in principle, the areas of contention would mostly lie in the timing and details. Sparked by the suicides of two teachers, a wave of unprecedented protests and opposition against the government’s education policy followed, which led to the departure of the former Permanent Secretary for Education and Manpower Fanny Law Fan Chiu-fun and the Secretary for Education and Manpower Arthur Li Kwok- cheung from the education portfolio. This situation suggests that something was wrong with the teachers’ working environment. This article aims to make sense of these discursive events through a critical discourse analysis of the “334” education policy with materials taken from documents, speeches, and press releases published by the government as well as newspaper articles drawn from South China Morning Post, which is a rich source of contested ideas. An eclectic approach is drawn from both “state-centered” and “policy cycle” perspectives synthesized and adopted for this article. Upon this contested terrain in which individual policy actors struggle to achieve the desired political outcomes, the intention of this article is to explore how the state and other interest groups acted, reacted, and interacted in the policy processes of the 334 Education Reform.  相似文献   

17.
This paper examines the ideological construction of educational discourses embedded within the South Korean print media. Significantly, these discourses have recently promoted the resurrection of a sweeping national testing and test results release policy. Through careful examination of the “test plus release” policy, the authors show how the government has achieved hegemonic power by shaping public opinion through the national testing contexts. Drawing on a critical discourse analysis of educational policy texts from the government and top 10 print media sources, this paper analyses how discourses on “accountability”, “the right to know” and “the fairness of the tests” have been produced, reproduced and recontextualized to favour particular perspectives. The authors also examine how government and influential print media discourses interact with political and cultural factors such as “acclaiming the evaluative state”, “education fever” and “meritocratic beliefs” to achieve public consent for the new “test plus release” policy.  相似文献   

18.
The matter of crossing borders in the creation of democratic communities arises in ways that are pressing, both within the nation‐state and on a global scale. Tensions between tendencies toward nationalism and the cosmopolitan call for global understanding touch the heart of ideas of democracy as beginning at home—at political, psychological, and existential levels. Yet in both orientations there is a certain consolidation of what John Dewey called the “we.” In this essay Naoko Saito and Paul Standish address questions concerning the “I's” relation to the “we.” It is through an exploration of the apparently apolitical approach of Stanley Cavell, through what he calls the “politics of interpretation,” that Saito and Standish try to give substance to the critical destabilization of these terms and tensions that they believe to be necessary. Cavell's Wittgensteinian approach to skepticism and his account of the Emersonian sense of the tragic help to demonstrate the need to meet the political crisis of democracy with language of a more subtly critical kind. The antifoundationalism Cavell derives from these sources, with its concomitant notion of philosophy as translation, provides us with a language that answers to the problems of the “we.” This is, the authors conclude, a better formulation of, and a more hopeful response to, the challenge of crossing borders within. It touches despair but realizes within it the prophetic power of language. And it shows the political crisis in which democracy finds itself to be something that is not peculiar to our times but internal to the very nature of our (political) lives.  相似文献   

19.
Education has continuously been regarded as a vital tool in Norwegian policymakers' immigrant integration agendas. This study analyzes semantic structures substantiating the policy language of historical Norwegian immigrant education policies from their inception in 1973 until today (2013). The analysis is framed by Kronenfeld's linguistic anthropological theory “semantic extensionism”. Four distinct semantic models are identified through the historical period. Each model comprises specific overall policy programs, education system characters, teaching methods, and parameters for equality output evaluations. We show how the core semantic structures of each model, and the changes between them, derive from three interacting factor domains: (1) semantic inclusion and contrast relations, (2) pragmatic characteristics of practice fields, and (3) broader welfare state policy histories.  相似文献   

20.
This paper is part of a longer work on whiteness in post‐apartheid South Africa, which analyzes the discourses resistant to transformation in the country, labeled “white talk.” Based on a discourse analysis of the 2001 letters to the editor of Rapport newspaper, a national Afrikaans Sunday newspaper, this paper focuses on aspects of “white talk” within Afrikaans speaking South Africa.

Afrikaner whiteness has an affinity with subaltern whiteness, in that Afrikaners contended with the more powerful forces of the British Empire throughout their history. As a resistant whiteness, the whiteness of the Afrikaner has historically been rolled into ethnic/nationalistic discourse. The current moment in South African history presents a crisis to Afrikaner identity similar to the time of dislocation that saw the original discursive suturing of Afrikaner identity into nationalism. But now the worldview has imploded; Apartheid is the “other” of the New South Africa; Afrikaners are perceived to be in need of “rehabilitation.” Certain ethnic anxieties are pervasive, and the paper explores four of these. White talk in this context attempts to do two things: (1) to re‐inscribe the Afrikaner mythology that secured a special place for the Afrikaner in the political, economic, and social life of the country, so that the ground gained through the apartheid era of systematic Afrikaner advancement is not lost in the new social order, while (2) presenting Afrikanerdom as compatible with the New South Africa.  相似文献   

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