Political Television Advertising in Campaign 2000

Most studies of political advertising focus on presidential television spots. However, far more commercials are broadcast for other races. This study applies the functional theory of political campaign discourse to 584 television spots from presidential, gubernatorial, senatorial, house, and local races in the 2000 election. The most common functions were acclaims (67%) followed by attacks (32%) and defenses (1%). When non-presidential ads are examined, incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers. Party-sponsored ads employed more attacks than ads sponsored by the candidates. These messages emphasized policy more than character (62% against 38%). Democratic candidates discussed policy more than Republicans. Presidential and gubernatorial ads (executive offices) discussed policy more than ads for other offices.     

Issue Ownership for Non-Presidential Television Spots

Petrocik's (1996) theory of political party issue ownership predicts that candidates will emphasize the issues on which their own party is considered most effective. This prediction has been confirmed in presidential campaign messages, but it has yet to be tested with non-presidential campaign discourse. Computer content analysis of over 1100 political television spots from 1980 to 2002 (most spots were from 2002) discovered that overall, Democratic candidates discussed their own party's issues more than did Republicans, whereas Republicans discussed Republican issues more than did Democratic candidates. However, local ads and US Senate spots from 2002 did not follow issue ownership predictions (candidates did not discuss their own party's issues significantly more than the other party's issues). Unlike presidential spots, non-presidential advertising discusses Democratic issues more than Republican ones; the Republican Party owns more national or federal issues such as national defense and foreign policy.     

Issue Ownership in Congressional Campaign Television Spots

This study investigated issue ownership patterns in 602 U.S. House and Senate Democratic and Republican political campaign television advertisements from 1980–2000. First, the themes in these ads were about equally split between policy and character (unlike presidential TV spots from the same time period, which are roughly two-thirds policy and one-third character). Candidates from each political party addressed their own party's issues more than issues owned by the other party. However, unlike presidential spots, congressional ads discussed Democratic issues more than Republican issues (59% to 41%). Although candidates from both political parties discussed their own issues more, winners tended to discuss issues from the other party more than losers. There was no difference in issue ownership emphasis between the House and Senate ads in this sample.     

Political party affiliation and presidential campaign discourse

This study investigates the question of whether the political party affiliation of presidential candidates influences the nature of the discourse they produce in political campaigns. Analysis of primary and general debates, primary and general television spots, and acceptance addresses from 1948 to 2000 demonstrates systematic differences between the messages invented by Republican and Democratic presidential candidates. Democrats discuss policy more, and character less, than Republicans. Democrats attack on policy more, and character less, than Republicans. Democrats emphasize Democratic issues (e.g., education) more than Republicans, whereas Republicans stress Republican issues (e.g., defense), more than Democrats. Finally, Republicans emphasize the character traits of sincerity and morality more, and empathy and drive less, than Democrats.     

A functional analysis of congressional television spots, 1986–2000

Despite the hundreds of millions of dollars spent on television advertising in congressional campaigns, relatively little research has examined the content purchased by those advertising dollars. This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to a purposive sample of television spots from U.S. House and Senate races from 1986 to 2000. Acclaims (self‐praise: 64%) outnumbered both attacks (criticisms: 35.5%) and defenses (refutation of attacks: 0.5%). Policy utterances comprised the bulk of the discussions in the ads (70%), while character utterances appeared less frequently (30%). Past deeds of candidates were the overwhelming focus of policy discussions (81%), while personal qualities dominated the discourse on character utterances (86%). Incumbents had a strong proclivity to acclaim (79%) more than challengers (51%) whereas challengers had a tendency to attack (49%) more than incumbents (21%). Incumbents were more likely to use past deeds to acclaim, whereas challengers used past deeds to attack.     

A Burkean Poetic Frames Analysis of the 2004 Presidential Ads

While numerous studies have examined the frequency of attack ads in presidential elections, this study measures the level of severity of the attacks. Using Burke's poetic frames as a foundation, this content analytical study examines the 2004 presidential ads. The negativity level of the ads is explored with comparisons made between those by the candidates and the organizations, differences in ads by medium (television, radio, and Internet), and differences in three time periods of the election (pre-conventions, between conventions, and post-conventions). Finally, implications are addressed concerning Burkean frames, 527 groups, and the Internet.     

Debates Come to the United Kingdom: A Functional Analysis of the 2010 British Prime Minister Election Debates

The year 2010 ushered in the first ever televised leaders' debates for the Prime Minister of Britain. Incumbent Gordon Brown (Labor), David Cameron (Conservative) and Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat) participated in three debates in the run up to the May elections. Millions of voters watched these debates. These messages merit scholarly attention as the first ever debates in this country. This study applies the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to investigate the functions (acclaims, attacks, and defenses), topics (policy and character, along with the 3 forms of each topic), and target of attack. Acclaims were the most common function and defenses the least common; policy was discussed more often than character. The 2 front-runners (Brown and Cameron) were the targets of more attacks than the trailing candidate (Clegg). Brown, the incumbent, acclaimed more, and attacked less, than the two challengers.     

Rhetorical strategies for a culture war: Abortion in the 1992 campaign

Data from the American National Election Study reveals that the issue of abortion was the most significant policy issue in the 1992 presidential campaign. This essay examines the general strategies of Clinton and Bush regarding the abortion issue among the complex of family values appeals. A special analytical focus highlights the image of a dead fetus that was shown in campaign advertising in a variety of states, and that was the “hot button”; for true believers among the right‐to‐life forces. The impact of abortion on the vote for the presidential candidates is presented with data that allows a speculative projection of the influence of the abortion issue on future national election campaigns.     

奥巴马2008年总统竞选中的网络公关探析

奥巴马2008年总统竞选中网络公关的成功实践表明：网络公关有助于竞选者形象的塑造,可以更有效地宣传竞选者的政策主张,进一步加强竞选者与选民的联系。奥巴马总统竞选中网络公关的成功,首先是对网络公关进行了周密设计,其次在网络公关活动中注意综合运用各种网络公关的方法手段,把各种网络公关的方法手段结合起来,从而形成一整套的网络公关方略活动。奥巴马网络公关的成功经验值得学习借鉴。     

政治选举辩论中说服性攻击行为的语用分析——以2012年美国总统选举辩论为例

从挑战者／在位者角度，对2012年美国总统选举辩论中的说服性攻击行为进行实证研究，认为其辩论策略主要由有意面子冒犯与不赞同组成。奥巴马侧重直接、冒犯性攻击；罗姆尼的攻击则较间接、缓和。双方使用最多的直接攻击策略依次为：批评肘旨责、直接否定、告诫。这反映出政治辩论中攻击策略的运作机制不是以修复或维系双方面子为目标，而是力争在破坏对手面子的同时，增强自己的面子，最终说服选民，揭示了选举辩论话语的工具性本质。     

美国总统选举制度在英语中的投影

美国总统选举制度程序和过程复杂漫长。独特的预选方式、候选人各种各样的竞选演说、身份不同的选民、不同的投票方式、竞选资金、竞争对手相互的抗衡等在英语里都有其独特表达。美国竞选词汇的生成是依靠英语构词法和词义扩展而形成,无论是自然产生或为刻意制造,都反映了美国竞选政治的需要,     

A cross‐cultural comparison of student social attributions

One hundred sixty American and 397 Korean fourth‐ and fifth‐graders were administered the Student Social Attribution Scale (SSAS), designed to assess students' explanations for social successes and failures. A Korean version of the SSAS was developed for the study. The American and Korean instruments' internal consistency reliability were determined (rs ranged from .56 to .86 for the Korean instrument and .62 to .88 for the American instrument). The means from both the American and Korean SSAS versions on the 8 scales and global scores (e.g., internal, external) were compared. Based on the literature, Korean children should have had higher scores for effort attributions in failure situations than the American children and Americans should have shown higher scores for ability attributions in successful situations. In fact, Korean children did show significantly higher ( p < .005) Failure Effort scores and American children showed significantly higher ( p < .005) Success Ability scores. Findings indicate that Korean children are potentially more willing to accept responsibility for social failure than American students. © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.     

A multidimensional analysis of the 1976 presidential campaign

This article examines the 1976 presidential election campaign through the use of metric multidimensional scaling. Attitudes of a 20‐subject panel were measured weekly for a period of 12 weeks. A series of direct pair comparisons were made among the issues, political parties, candidates, candidate attributes, and the self. Results indicate that (1) voters' attitudes toward the candidates, issues and parties stabilized after the election, (2) the first two debates were the most important events of the campaign, and (3) their greatest effects were felt with a lag of between one and two weeks after the events.     

The speech of the moment

Slogans, as a rhetorical device, have a rich history. They have provided historians with topical outlines of the major concerns, frustrations, and hopes of society. As “social symbols” they have united, divided, and even converted. In so doing, slogans have become a direct link to social or individual action. Yet, little attention has been given to the rhetorical and persuasive nature of slogans. Today, as we prepare ourselves for another presidential campaign, posters, television, and radio ads proclaim the various slogans of the candidates. Each candidate hopes to tap a reservoir of support by striking a familiar theme, issue, or image. The purpose of this paper is to identify the functions and characteristics of slogans as they are used in movements and campaigns.     

教育政策与美国总统政治

随着教育重要性的日益凸显,总统政治和教育的联系日趋密切。20世纪60年代中期以来,美国教育政策逐渐成为总统政治的核心,直接影响到总统竞选的成功与否以及执政过程中的民意向背。为此,两党候选人纷纷在竞选中将自己标榜为“教育总统”,积极构思一系列教育政策,以此谋求民众的支持。本文首先对20世纪60年代中期以来美国总统政治中的教育问题进行了系统梳理,随后对总统政治与教育之间的关系进行了总结。     

美国黑人参政的历史演变——从《汤姆叔叔的小屋》到奥巴马胜选

黑人为什么能够赢得美国2008年总统大选？对此众说纷纭、莫哀一是。实际上,奥巴马的胜选建立于美国黑人200余年争取民权不懈斗争的历史基础之上,再加之奥巴马团队针对美国国内现时政治、经济实际采取了恰当的竞选策略,终于实现了一个伟大的“梦想”。     

三方的游戏——1988年美国民主党预选中的“赛马式”报道

自20世纪40年代以来,美国总统选举提名阶段的改革大大增强了媒体在竞选中的影响力,吸引了国外学界对新闻报道,尤其是"赛马式"报道的广泛关注和深思。通过分析《纽约时报》关于1988年民主党预选的91篇新闻报道,一方面指出该领域研究重视探究报道模式、揭示其对竞选结果的不利影响;另一方面也指出其忽视或过分简单化其形成原因的缺陷。从竞选者的自我表达方式﹑媒体的特质以及竞选活动特点三方面的相互促进与制约来阐释"赛马式"报道的形成机制。     

政治传播与修辞说服——2000年美国总统大选辩论剖析

电视公开辩论已经成为美国政治传播中的一种重要手段，它们通过精心设计的话语来实现其说服性功能。亚里斯多德把修辞划分为三类，其中就包括以说服为核心的商讨辩论的修辞。通过分析作为实证案例的2000年美国大选中戈尔与小布什的三场电视公开辩论，我们具体探讨两位修选人如何通过情绪法来进行说服，从而达到政治传播的目的，并重点分析了三组对立的情绪及其作为修辞说服手段在政治传播中的应用。     

李光耀和朴正熙的治国思想比较

李光耀和朴正熙的治国思想都包括:重视稳定,为经济发展创造条件;用国家的政策支持,促进经济发展;让人民分享发展成果;逐渐地进行政治体制改革,把政治体制改革推迟到经济发展以后。而在具体做法上,由于新加坡和韩国的国情不同,二者有一些不同的政策。如新加坡的打开国门引进跨国公司和组屋制度,韩国的发展本国工业和推进新农村运动,等。李光耀和朴正熙的治国思想的成功,和他们所处的时代是分不开的:冷战时代的国家生存危机的压力,世界制造业繁荣时代的资本支持,儒家文化圈进入全球经济的第一代人的进取精神,当时的以电台、报纸、有线通信为主的媒体时代。但历史是不可重复的,今天的时代,有今天不同的要求和使命。唯有他们的理想主义、责任性和对民意的沟通和了解,在历史长河的冲刷中永存。