Political Television Advertising in Campaign 2000

Most studies of political advertising focus on presidential television spots. However, far more commercials are broadcast for other races. This study applies the functional theory of political campaign discourse to 584 television spots from presidential, gubernatorial, senatorial, house, and local races in the 2000 election. The most common functions were acclaims (67%) followed by attacks (32%) and defenses (1%). When non-presidential ads are examined, incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers. Party-sponsored ads employed more attacks than ads sponsored by the candidates. These messages emphasized policy more than character (62% against 38%). Democratic candidates discussed policy more than Republicans. Presidential and gubernatorial ads (executive offices) discussed policy more than ads for other offices.     

A functional analysis of congressional television spots, 1986–2000

Despite the hundreds of millions of dollars spent on television advertising in congressional campaigns, relatively little research has examined the content purchased by those advertising dollars. This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to a purposive sample of television spots from U.S. House and Senate races from 1986 to 2000. Acclaims (self‐praise: 64%) outnumbered both attacks (criticisms: 35.5%) and defenses (refutation of attacks: 0.5%). Policy utterances comprised the bulk of the discussions in the ads (70%), while character utterances appeared less frequently (30%). Past deeds of candidates were the overwhelming focus of policy discussions (81%), while personal qualities dominated the discourse on character utterances (86%). Incumbents had a strong proclivity to acclaim (79%) more than challengers (51%) whereas challengers had a tendency to attack (49%) more than incumbents (21%). Incumbents were more likely to use past deeds to acclaim, whereas challengers used past deeds to attack.     

A functional analysis of presidential television spots: A comparison of Korean and American ads

This study applies the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to the television spots from the 2002 Korean presidential campaign. TV ads appear to have become an institutionalized component of the Korean presidential campaign; as yet no study has examined the most recent Korean presidential ads. Like American candidates, Korean presidential candidates rely more on acclaims (positive utterances) than attacks (negative statements). They also rarely defend in spots. The incumbent party candidate, Roh, offered more acclaims than the challenger Lee, whereas the challenger Lee used more attacks than did Roh. However, unlike American candidates (who emphasized policy over character), policy (issue) and character (image) were almost equally discussed in Korean advertisements. Unlike American presidential candidates, the winner in Korea in 2002 emphasized character more than policy. It is clear that presidential campaign messages from these two cultures possess both similarities and differences.     

Political party affiliation and presidential campaign discourse

This study investigates the question of whether the political party affiliation of presidential candidates influences the nature of the discourse they produce in political campaigns. Analysis of primary and general debates, primary and general television spots, and acceptance addresses from 1948 to 2000 demonstrates systematic differences between the messages invented by Republican and Democratic presidential candidates. Democrats discuss policy more, and character less, than Republicans. Democrats attack on policy more, and character less, than Republicans. Democrats emphasize Democratic issues (e.g., education) more than Republicans, whereas Republicans stress Republican issues (e.g., defense), more than Democrats. Finally, Republicans emphasize the character traits of sincerity and morality more, and empathy and drive less, than Democrats.     

论支遁清谈——以《世说新语》为中心

支遁在《世说新语》中出现近五十次,是东晋名僧与名士交游的典型。支遁清谈形式多样,内容深刻。支遁在清谈中谈著结合,先后立逍遥义与即色义,又融合为《即色游玄论》,实质是以佛解庄。王羲之、王坦之、殷浩等名士各擅道、儒、玄,与支遁有长期论战。支遁清谈的目标是会三归一,促使学理佛教走人士族社会。     

Discourses of Exclusion: Immigrant-Origin Youth Responses to Immigration Debates in an Election Year

Political discourse on immigration policy often provides a window into a society’s boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. Here, we seek to understand how those in liminal positions respond to political debates that raise issues of boundary maintenance. Drawing from Bakhtinian concepts of authoritative and internally persuasive discourses as well as Gramsci’s concept of common sense, we analyzed how a superdiverse sample of 26 immigrant-origin adolescents (from Asia, Latin America, Africa, and Europe) responded to video segments of presidential debates from the 2012 U.S. election. Youth’s responses to presidential video clips about undocumented immigration policies fell along a spectrum from inclusionary to exclusionary, with many voicing mixed responses to immigration policies. Half of the youth referenced their own family’s migration experience when discussing immigration policy, most frequently in empathetic ways; however, this did not preclude them from aligning with discourses of exclusion. The theme of fairness was prevalent in their responses, yet it emerged in distinct ways. This work highlights the need to interrogate common-sense discourses of exclusion.     

Debates in the Literature on Islamic Schools

Contemporary global events, such as the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the unresolved conflict in the Middle East, and the pessimistic relationships with Muslim countries, pose challenges for Muslims living in the United States in all walks of life. In addition, Muslims encounter daily struggles to live within a society that follows considerably dissimilar beliefs, norms, and way of life. Therefore, Islamic schools and other organizations emerged in response to those challenges. There are several debates in the literature about Islamic schools; among those debates is whether Islamic schools segregate Muslim students, inspire religious intolerance, and rejection of social pluralism's ideals. In addition, there are debates of whether Islamic schools are capable of developing a strong Muslim identity skilled to tackle future challenges. Discussing these debates is considered the first step to critically tackling the challenges meeting Islamic schools, their relevance, and their continuity in a way that benefits Muslim generations and the American society. Furthermore, such debates draw attention to the impediments facing the success of these schools and the possible strategies to resolve problematic issues. This article explores each of these debates in detail.     

美国高校教师绩效评价存在的争议

美国高校教师的绩效评价虽然业已制度化、规范化，但无论是在理论探讨还是实际操作层面都存在着诸多的争议。这些争议突出表现在针对终身聘任制的改革，特别是对终身聘任教师的职后评审的实施、研究与教学之争、同事关系能否作为晋升和终身聘任的标准，以及学生评价在教师人事决策中的应用等。     

On Defending Controversial Viewpoints: Debates of Sixth Graders About the Desirability of Early 20th‐Century American Immigration

Sixth‐grade students with and without mild disabilities participated in an eight‐week project‐based investigation about immigration to the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Students' investigations were designed to promote their understanding of the perspectives of immigrants and Americans who opposed immigration, as well as the “ways of life” that gave impetus to immigration and often resulted in conflict between these groups. At the conclusion of these investigations, students were assigned the role of the immigrants or opponents of immigration and were asked to debate the desirability of immigration to the United States during this historical period. The primary focus of this article is on the opportunities afforded by, and the limitations of, these classroom debates. The debates promoted high levels of engagement and equal participation by students with and without disabilities as well as by boys and girls. Analyses of content and structure showed that students' discourse was influenced by the knowledge they gained during their investigations, but the use of this knowledge was shaped by the competitive rhetorical goal of defending a particular viewpoint. Later rounds of the debates were more balanced and drew more on the breadth of available knowledge than did earlier rounds. Overall, the debates were more typical of everyday arguments than academic arguments. The implications of our findings for the design of instructional opportunities in the social studies in inclusive classrooms are discussed.     

Visual Literacy and Visual Politics: Photojournalism and the 2004 Presidential Debates

While newspapers use conventional images to accompany reporting on presidential debates, the rhetorical aspect of these images is illustrated through an examination of the 2004 debates. In this essay, the author first establishes oppositional positioning and mirroring as visual literacy conventions that augment those previously identified by Paul Messaris in his examination of advertising images. Second, a critical analysis of the photographs depicting the first 2004 debate, in particular, demonstrates how photo editors deployed visual conventions that either intensified clash or neutralized candidate performance fragments to produce a false symmetry despite a discordant reality. In subsequent debates, however, many editors employed alternate visual conventions that provided an improved visual balance between fairness and accuracy.     

析《盐铁论》中有关教育价值观方面的论争

《盐铁论》记载西汉昭帝时盐铁会议上朝廷执政官员和儒家学者的论争。其实这不能算是儒家和法家之间的论争,也不能算是改革与保守的论争,而是“在野”或尚未掌权的儒士与“当朝”秉政的官员站在各自地位和立场上的论争。双方在本末义利、选士用人、德教刑法和治学作用及教育价值观有关方面的论争,有助于我们对儒家教育思想做新的阐发。因此,《盐铁论》中所表述的教育思想更具有独到的研究价值。     

20世纪20-30年代中国留学教育问题的争论

20世纪20年代至30年代,中国教育界有过一场关于留学教育问题的争论。争论由弹劾清华学制对留学美国学生的遴选公平问题引起。争论的焦点是:中国是否应该继续派送留学生及留学教育的国别选择问题。争论的实质是:留学教育是中国教育发展的助力还是阻力?造成留学教育问题的原因是社会的还是个人的?争论目的是:探索中国留学教育的方向与道路。争论的结果是:留学教育的宗旨、方向和政策发生了变化,留学教育因此得以改进。争论提供的历史借鉴是:留学教育与国内教育的关系问题以及留学生归国的教育价值与教育服务问题,这些问题其实也是当代留学教育研究的重大命题,需要我们做出时代的回答。     

Educational Politics in the Transition Period

The article discursively analyses certain dynamics, themselves related to and indeed shaped by developments and debates within the broader political arena, within the education sphere between February 1990 and late 1993. Four issues in particular are singled out for special consideration: the character and trajectory of educational contestation during the first four years of the transition; the changing nature of the educational objectives and strategies of key progressive educational movements; the vibrant debate within South Africa around state and civil society and how this has shaped shifts in the thinking and strategy of progressive educational movements and, finally, the question of policy formation and the important debate as to whether equality or development ought to constitute the essential point of departure for policy formation for educational transformation.     

发展与论争：免费师范毕业生在职攻读教育硕士专业学位之政策检视

师范生免费教育政策自2007年回归以来一直备受关注,围绕着政策的各种论争更是常议常新。免费师范毕业生在职攻读教育硕士专业学位及其相关规定是国家最新的师范生免费教育政策,其出台、执行、发展价值、利益分配、实践演绎等构成了一个新的＂政策网络＂。用西方公共政策分析理论对新政策的现象形态、本体形态、过程特点和特殊性质予以检视透析,可对其实施效果与可能性论争做出展望。     

民国时期关于大学招生考试的三次论争

民国时期发生了三次大规模的有关大学招生考试的论争：“废考运动”是对传统考试制度的批判;“新法考试运动”主要致力于引进西方的测验理论;“大学入学考试改进运动”则是探索本土化的大学招生考试制度。三次论争几乎涉及了大学招生考试的所有问题,探讨的深度也是前所未有的,这推动了我国考试制度的现代化变迁,促进了考试文化的更新。     

Moving the goalposts: Education policy and 25 years of the Black/White achievement gap

Drawing on a secondary analysis of official statistics, this paper examines the changing scale of the inequality of achievement between White students and their Black British peers who identify their family heritage as Black Caribbean. We examine a 25‐year period from the introduction of the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE), in 1988, to the 20th anniversary of the murder of Stephen Lawrence in 2013. It is the first time that the Black/White gap has been analysed over such a long period. The paper reviews the changing place of the Black/White gap in education debates and notes that, despite periods when race equality has appeared to be high on the political agenda, it has never held a consistent place at the heart of policy. Our findings shed light on how the Black/White gap is directly affected, often in negative ways, by changes in education policy. Specifically, whenever the key benchmark for achievement has been redefined, it has had the effect of restoring historic levels of race inequity; in essence, policy interventions to ‘raise the bar’ by toughening the benchmark have actively widened gaps and served to maintain Black disadvantage. Throughout the entire 25‐year period, White students were always at least one and a half times more likely to attain the dominant benchmark than their Black peers. Our findings highlight the need for a sustained and explicit focus on race inequity in education policy. To date, the negative impacts of policy changes have been much more certain and predictable than occasional attempts to reduce race inequality.     

历史的节奏:海内外关于辛亥革命的研究及争议

辛亥革命研究的历史进展呈现出分期鲜明、重点突出的特点。关于辛亥革命的性质、历史影响与成败之论是学者们最为关注的问题。重新加深对辛亥革命的认识,不仅有助于我们进一步开拓和深入对辛亥革命的研究,而且更有助于我们对中国近现代历史和中国当代问题的根源和本质有更准确和深刻的了解。大陆的辛亥革命研究,无论是从其研究群体、交流范围、发展规模和活跃程度,还是从其学术性、多样性、观念开放性和思想深度来看,改革开放前后俨然有一个界限分明的界线。1960年代以来,中国大陆关于辛亥革命的研究热点集中于以下几点:1.辛亥革命的胜利或失败成因、性质以及历史地位;2.辛亥革命的指导思想及三民主义的影响;3.辛亥革命前后的社会思潮与文化变迁;4.辛亥革命中的人物研究;5.辛亥革命与政党、会党及各社会阶层和团体的关系;6.辛亥革命与中国现代化的关系;7.辛亥革命与地方的关系;8.辛亥革命与海外关系。西方学界在辛亥革命研究方面关注的热点以及所做的开拓则与中国大陆学界不尽相同,西方学者们还逐步把研究的目光从处于辛亥革命中心的历史人物和同盟会革命派阵营转向了其他社会群体,并对推动辛亥革命的主要力量进行了直接或间接的深入探讨。总起来看,对于辛亥革命的发生、性质及成败,海内外学术界仍存在着许多不同的看法。从辛亥革命的历史成因来看,辛亥革命的性质应该是一场早产的资产阶级革命。具体来说,它是一场由拥有资产阶级民主精神和理想的革命派所发起的、由具有反对满洲贵族封建专制统治之共同目标的资产阶级和地主阶级改良派及其在政界、军界、商界和知识界的精英代表所支持和主导的、有中下层社会团体参与的民族民主革命。     

西汉时期关于汉匈关系的七次大辩论

西汉时期围绕汉匈关系,发生了七次大辩论,其中以平城之战前刘敬同主战派、汉武帝时期王恢同韩安国、汉宣帝时期萧望之与黄霸、新莽时期严尤同王莽的辩论最为典型。这些辩论涉及汉匈关系的定性、和亲与战争的抉择、匈奴在边疆政治中的定位、接待匈奴的规格、匈奴与朝代更迭等。辩论见证和加速了汉匈关系的变迁。     

辩论文本中言语反讽的语境暗示

言语反讽的语境暗示多种多样,通过对三次美国总统竞选电视辩论语料的分析,作者认为辩论文本中的语境暗示有助于增强反讽意味和促进读者对反讽的理解。     

Education,health and social welfare in the late colonial context: the International Missionary Council and educational transition in the interwar years with specific reference to colonial Africa

Mission schools in Africa in the first half of the twentieth century were in many ways microcosms of the great educational debates of the times. The objectives of policies regarding access, governance and curriculum were part of a historical evolution of mission education but they were also increasingly a reflection of significant new trends that were to reshape the theory and practice of colonial education. New forms of educational research and professional expertise were to play an ever‐increasing role in shaping the forms and content of the education provided. The brief of the mission churches was to meet with the increasing demand for schooling. Church and state gradually expanded their cooperation in the field as the costs of education outstripped the resources of the missions and the demand for mass education came to be linked to nationalist demands for political and economic rights. This paper is concerned to map the background to those international influences that shaped the policy and practices of mission education and the increasing engagement of colonial governments with the field of education. It addresses the question of the worldwide Protestant mission church’s response to the changing political, social and economic environment of the first half of the twentieth century. In particular it seeks to explore how mission initiatives shaped thinking about education in Asia, Africa, Oceania and Latin America by the 1930s. It also attempts to situate those issues within a wider educational framework by linking them to the emergent debate concerning pragmatism and utilitarianism in regard to progressive education in the USA and the quest for social democratic education in the United Kingdom and Europe as part of a response to socialism, nationalism and totalitarianism. In short, the paper explores the influence of the Christian mission churches with regard to social policy, in general, and the provision of education, in particular, during the interwar years, with special reference to areas influenced by the work of the International Missionary Council. At a time when there was a crisis of support for ‘foreign missions’ how did the debates between fundamentalist‐evangelicals and supporters of a ‘social gospel’ transform themselves into debates regarding the role of missions in non‐Western societies? And how did these essentially ecclesiastical/theological issues come to influence public policy, specifically educational policy, in the long term? The conclusions are that mission churches had a very significant influence on the shaping of educational thinking in the colonial and imperial context at a time when state influence in the sector was still often quite weak. The origins of the conference and research culture that has informed educational policy since the establishment of the United Nations Organization had its roots in the broad context of the Charter of the League of Nations, with a meeting of religious and secular goals, prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. Between 1910 and 1939 there was a significant history of educational reform and community development that has only been partially documented in relation to its global significance. This is an attempt to build a framework for understanding the nature of those changes and what was achieved. The investigation is conducted through an exploration of the three great World Mission Conferences of the International Missionary Council (IMC) held at Edinburgh (1910), Jerusalem (1928) and Tambaram, India (1938). The attempts of Christian churches to engage with dramatic social changes associated with industrialisation, urbanisation, poverty, cultural change and the rise of anti‐colonialism, with specific regard to the field of educational policy, are documented and analysed.