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1.
In late 2006 and early 2007, a high-profile celebrity scandal developed around Isaiah Washington's use of an anti-gay slur to describe his co-star T. R. Knight. The mainstream media coverage of this scandal positioned homophobia primarily in therapeutic and confessional terms, echoing the typical treatment of a celebrity's coming out. As the “angry black man,” Washington failed to satisfy the criteria for neoliberal citizenship and seemed to confirm white culture's fears about black masculinity. Knight, in contrast, emerged as a successful neoliberal citizen whose “difference” was safely contained. The debate thus shifted from the morality of homophobia to the morality and psychological health of the individual, determined through Washington's failed performance of honesty and Knight's successful one. As a result, heteronormativity and white privilege remained largely unnoticed within mainstream coverage of the scandal.  相似文献   

2.
This essay examines the gendered explanations for the prisoner abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib. Specifically, I examine how mainstream news media's selective focus on Lynndie England encouraged the public to read Abu Ghraib primarily as a gender crisis rather than as a crisis in US military culture. This framing not only deflected attention away from the other soldiers involved in the scandal (particularly the men who were involved) but also diverted criticism away from more comprehensive discussions regarding the US military's use of abuse and torture, the unlawful detainment of suspected terrorists, and the erosion of civil liberties in the post-9/11 era. Moreover, these representations of Abu Ghraib as a gender crisis prompted new criticism regarding gender integration in the military and constructed feminism as the new villain in the American melodrama.  相似文献   

3.
医学期刊责任编辑在防止学术不端论文出版中的作为   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
张儒祥  丁茂平 《编辑学报》2010,22(6):519-520
基于对医学期刊"连环抄袭门"事件的反思,认为医学期刊责任编辑在预防和打击学术不端行为的工作中应有以下作为:1)切实做好出版前审查工作,主要是初审工作;2)主动做好出版后"随访"工作;3)正确面对"连环抄袭门",积极处理学术不端事件,认真落实以责任编辑为主体的预防学术不端机制,建立学术不端处理预案,继续为学人作嫁衣.  相似文献   

4.
During the 1930s, news media constructed celebrities as individuals whose public lives naturally reflected (or expressed) their private lives. Paul Robeson, however, offered an intriguing challenge to such seamlessness, foreshadowing contemporary evocations of celebrity that highlight the fabricated nature of public personas. I posit that during the 1930s, the discursive formations of scandal and movie stardom challenged celebrity seamlessness by constructing Paul Robeson as a site of extra-textuality: Paul Robeson “the artist” became detached from Paul Robeson “the man.” Although mired in essentialism, Robeson's extra-textuality was crucial to his activism, for it ultimately created the space from which he voiced his most impassioned political polemics. Thus both regressive and liberatory, the discourses of scandal and movie stardom mediated Paul Robeson's transition from spiritual-singing aesthete to outspoken political activist.  相似文献   

5.
Previous scholarship has argued that constructions of public opinion serve one of three dominant purposes: (1) to provide drama; (2) to promote particular strategic political interests; and (3) to symbolically legitimize the public's role in democracy. This paper analyzes media and legislator constructions of public opinion in the Clinton‐Lewinsky scandal. We assess the uses of public opinion and the purposes to which they were put, and particularly examine the use of different time frames in this discourse. Throughout the scandal, the public remained firmly ambivalent about President Clinton, with majorities supporting him remaining in office, even as they disapproved of his sexual relationship with Ms. Lewinsky. However, the media frequently emphasized the possibility that public might change, and this future orientation was joined to a strongly disapproving emphasis on public morality, rooted in a construction of past values. Later the media took present public opinion as a given, but political implications for the present and future framed the coverage. Once the scandal came to Congress, members of Congress usually recognized the public's support for President Clinton, but offered different interpretations of the roots of this support, its proper influence on Congress, and its future course. In assessing political consequences of their votes, legislators acted like investors involved in futures markets, and judged which opinions were likely to retain intensity in the coming months and years. Changing in a dynamic fashion in response to events, elites’ judgments, and polls, constructions of public opinion served multiple purposes, and were strongly tinged by assessments about the stability and basis of public opinion. The low use of present‐oriented time frames delegitimized citizen views.  相似文献   

6.
In the autumn of 1876 the first major extension to William Wilkins's National Gallery, built to the designs of E.M. Barry, was opened to the public. Almost exactly 110 years later, in October 1986, five of Barry's eight rooms were re-opened after being closed for nearly two years, during which time they have undergone a major refurbishment which included the re-creation of Barry's original proposals for their decoration. This re-creation entailed lengthy research into the exact nature of Barry's proposals and uncovered some interesting facts about the development of Barry's extension. A short digression into the history of the extension is thus appropriate.  相似文献   

7.
Republican leader James G. Elaine's connection to a railroad scandal created strong opposition to him among reform‐oriented “independent”; journalists. Blaine's proven activities were taken as evidence of total moral bankruptcy and “independent”; newspaper organs mounted an intense persuasive campaign to expose Blaine as the symbol of corrupt government.  相似文献   

8.
In response to the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, President Bush delivered an apology that was widely criticized by domestic and international audiences. Nevertheless, the apology succeeded in allowing the President to stop the momentum of negative public opinion following news of the crimes, and to avoid accountability for his role in the crisis. In this essay, I argue that Bush's success stemmed partly from his use of a special subgenre of apologia, simulated atonement. After explaining the strategy in detail, I describe some of the conditions in which it will likely be effective and apply the theory to Bush's statements.  相似文献   

9.
In light of the court's rulings in Fox et al. v. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) that the Commission failed to explain its departure from its 1984 efforts to eliminate the National Television Station Ownership rule, this paper examines the FCC record and finds two competing justifications: The 1984 Report argued that the rule did not encourage localism whereas the 2003 Report argued that the rule sustains localism, defined as affiliates' right to preempt network programming. This case demonstrates the politics of broadcast regulation, the power of the rhetoric of the marketplace, and the increased role of the courts in policy-making.  相似文献   

10.
This article explains the Quebec Commission's work in protecting personal data in the public sector. The Commission is an administrative tribunal, a regulatory agency, and an advisory body. The article examines its three most important oversight tools: the judicial revision of agencies' refusals to let a person access his/her personal data, the analysis of the declarations of personal data systems agencies are obliged to file, and the Commission's use of compliance audits.  相似文献   

11.
12.
In the context of its role in providing the day-to-day administration of the European Union, the European Commission is responsible both for stimulating the development of interactive electronic information services in Europe and for providing public online databases of information on the Union's activities. Following a brief survey of the background to the Commission's activities, this article outlines the Union's current telecommunications policy and the ongoing transition towards closer integration of the various telecommunications networks in Europe. It then describes the various practical arrangements for obtaining access to the Commission's online services, presents two of its programmes, which are intended to stimulate the professional use of electronic information services, and lists the various databases that it provides for public access.  相似文献   

13.
This essay identifies the American Western myth and the myth of the birth of the nation as political myths depicted by Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan in their 1964 and 1980 presidential campaigns respectively. While Goldwater and Reagan rely on the Western myth through 1964 to “define” America and promote political beliefs, Reagan joins the Western myth with the myth of the birth of the nation after Goldwater's resounding defeat to provide a rhetorical ground for moderating his political views and broadening his audience. In the essay, a model of political myth based on form and function is described and then applied to three addresses, one by Goldwater and two by Reagan. Analysis of the speeches reveals a symbiotic relationship between the Western myth and the birth myth that joins individuality with community in a heroic tale of America's growth as a nation. It also shows that Reagan's rhetoric expresses this symbiosis while Goldwater's does not.  相似文献   

14.

The quiz program has received considerable comment in recent weeks, so this article by Patrick E. Welch is particularly appropriate at this time. The article is based upon a chapter in Mr. Welch's PhD. dissertation, “The Development of Audience Participation Programs on Radio and Television Networks Through the Season of 1956–57.”;  相似文献   

15.
During a 1937 appearance on NBC's top-rated Chase & Sanborn Hour, Hollywood icon Mae West starred in a comedy skit based on the Garden of Eden that drew complaints of indecency from offended listeners. Much of the reaction came from Catholic reformers seeking to expand the Legion of Decency's influence to radio. The sponsor and network apologized, and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) issued a letter of reprimand to NBC and its affiliates. This action spurred a backlash among critics, who charged the FCC with censorship. The incident was an important landmark in the prewar debate over government's role in regulating radio.  相似文献   

16.
At the behest of 39 members of the U.S. House of Representatives' Committee on Energy and Commerce, in 2007 the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) released a report that addressed the effects of violent television on children, the constitutionality of various strategies for regulating children's exposure to violent television content, and the viability and benefit of a congressionally developed definition of excessively violent television programming. This review evaluates how well the FCC carried out the tasks assigned to it by Congress, particularly in regards to the FCC's assessment of the social scientific research on the effects of exposure to televised violence.  相似文献   

17.
This article reviews and analyzes the essential lessons of information and intelligence management lessons from recent terrorist attacks and the decision to attack Iraq. It draws on evidence from the 9/11 Commission, the Senate investigation of intelligence and the war in Iraq, the Butler Commission in Britain, and other sources. It identifies and explores several themes, including the following: relationship between intelligence work and other information work; inconclusive nature of intelligence; role of executive leadership in successful intelligence work, including the leader's need for information and decision-making style; role of organizational culture and human factors; the need for sound information management practices and systems; and the need to evaluate information for decision making and other actions. The article concludes with a discussion of strategic information management policies and approaches that are essential to improve the nation's information and intelligence management capacity.  相似文献   

18.
An analysis of the studies used by the U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) in its media ownership proceedings from 2002–2007 found a disproportionate use of economic research to support the agency's rule changes. The use of this research in policymaking is important because the FCC's reliance on economic literature may have helped justify a “procedural” definition of what constitutes the public interest, and a “neoliberal” faith in the wisdom of market forces to ensure that the public interest is being served. The findings suggest that the inclusion of a broader range of scholarship, especially media research, would not have supported the FCC's decision to further relax media ownership rules.  相似文献   

19.
This article compares the quiz show Who Wants to be a Millionaire as it has been produced in 7 different countries-the United States, Russia, Poland, Norway, Finland, Israel, and Saudi Arabia. Through content analysis of 2,233 questions collected from 73 programs, the study aims to ascertain globalization and knowledge hierarchy as they manifest in a successful television program. The Nordic productions of Millionaire were rather similar to one another, as were shows from Russia and Poland, and-to a lesser extent-programs from the United States and Israel. Cultural proximity between nations correlated with similarity in content. The quiz show in larger nations included more questions about universal issues and fewer questions about local issues, in contrast to quiz shows from smaller European countries. Western quiz shows emphasized light entertainment, whereas the Saudi show and those from Russia and Poland brought to the foreground language and history. In terms of knowledge hierarchy, in all the countries academic knowledge yielded more valuable prizes than everyday knowledge.  相似文献   

20.
The bounds of permissible hate in post-apartheid broadcasting in South Africa have been shaped by the state's withdrawal from certain regulatory processes, as well as the emerging regulation by the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA). The BCCSA—established, financed, and operated by South Africa's broadcasting industry—filled the regulatory void not just by governing post-apartheid hate; the BCCSA has sought to govern the racial constructs upon which hate depends. With the state's withdrawal, BCCSA officials have configured hate and race in neoliberal ways, shifting responsibility for post-apartheid hate away from apartheid's beneficiaries and toward those apartheid was intended to subjugate.  相似文献   

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