美国总统选举与电视辩论

本文从美国总统电视辩论竞选的历史谈起 ,论述了电视辩论对美国总统竞选和电视传媒的重要性 ,指出电视辩论既有好的一面 ,也有显在的缺陷 ,为电视机构带来滚滚财源的同时 ,也凸现了其负面意义。文章最后还论述了面对网络的挑战 ,电视辩论形式必须创新的观点     

金钱，美国总统选举的“母乳”

“金钱是政治的母乳”,民主党人杰西·昂鲁曾用这句话道出了美国民主政治的实情。2004年总统选举中．布什一共募得3．67亿美元,而民主党候选人人凯瑞募得3．29亿美元。     

从稚嫩到成熟：演变中的两党政治及其特点－－美国总统大选解探之四

18世纪时，政党在许多人眼里并不是什么好东西。华盛顿虽然被民主共和党人说成是“派性十足”、满脑子偏见的“联邦党人”，但自己从不认同。他曾写信给杰斐逊说：“您向您的爱挑剔的朋友和亲近把我描述为一个受危险势力影响的人”，这是“极不公正的”，……     

撞击与妥协:总统选举人制度的建立--美国总统大选解探之二

美国选举总统的方法是当今世界政治中特有的.总统选举人(Presidential Electors)的设立及选举程序均为宪法所规定,并非个人意志的简单体现.     

新媒体与美国总统选举——以2012年奥巴马竞选为例

以互联网为代表的新媒体对美国总统选举的影响越来越大,新媒体具有信息传播量大、信息传播的跨时空性、参与者的个性化与大众等特点,奥巴马在总统竞选中充分的利用这些特点,在资金筹集方面,营销方式都显示出多样性,吸引年轻选民和少数族裔和女性。     

新媒体对美国总统选举的渗透

美国大选中新媒介的初体验 美国总统大选在某种意义上就是一场声势浩大的媒体秀。200多年前的美国大选,林肯只能坐着马车巡回演讲。进入新媒体时代,美国总统候选人纷纷跳上了信息高速公路,奥巴马、希拉里、麦凯恩等先后在网络上安营扎寨,总统候选人的角逐场从白宫新闻发布会、党代会、各州巡讲会、电视辩论现场延伸到了Web2．0、iPhone、SMS（手机短信）、电子游戏等新媒体上。     

民主党精英“制造”美国总统

2004年美国民主党全国代表大会,是美国民主党人向白宫发起的“冲锋号”。曾经群龙无首的美国民主党,精英齐聚波士顿,为的是让美国人民相信,总统非克里莫属     

总统大选波涛下的锚

尽管美国总统大选闹得鸡飞狗跳,但是,在汹涌的总 统选举大潮下面,其实,一只具有很多爪子的锚固定着美 国,使美国不至于游离港湾     

在中国投票选美国总统

北京时间10月29日下午2点,北京 秀水东街2号,美国驻华大使馆公民 处。北京语言大学美裔留学生陈游历前来 参加美国总统大选的投票。 陈和其他投票的美国人一起,从公民 处大门右边的侧门进去,将随身的电子物 品如手机等存放在安检人员这里,接受安 全检查,并在门廊处出示护照等相关证 件,确认自己的美国公民身份。     

美国总统大选的法制轨迹：美国总统大选解析之五

2000年的美国总统大选,表面上让人难以捉摸,其实,一切都在法制轨道上运行,留下了深深的法制轨迹. 按照1787年宪法"总统任期四年"的规定,美国的大选年极易确定.从1792年华盛顿当选第二届总统迄今,只要能被4整除的年份即为大选年.但宪法仅规定:"国会得决定各州选出选举人的时期以及他们投票的日子;投票日期全国一律",[1]而并未确定一个固定的日期.因此,大选日变化较大.华盛顿当选时,各州指定总统选举人的日期、选举人投票的日期,为原邦联时期的国会所规定.从1792-1844年,大选日多在大选年的12月第一周举行[2].1845年,国会通过一条法令,把全国的大选日固定在大选年的"11月第一个星期一之后的第一个星期二"[3],1848年11月7日,辉格党人泰勒成为第一位在统一的大选日当选的总统.这一关于大选日的规定至今维持不变.     

创新与现代媒体的核心竞争力——CNN 2008年美国大选报道策略分析

在刚刚结束的2008年美国总统大选中,美国本土14家新闻媒体各显其能.展开了一场声势浩大的收视率大战.为此,cNN进行了界面化屏幕设计、多媒体整合、全息影像等多项新闻创新.在丰富了电视语法的同时,还一举创下1,230万人的收视纪录.从被人讥笑的"鸡汤面新闻网"到今天的传播帝国,创新是CNN赢得媒体竞争和顺应媒介发展趋势的关键策略.事实证明,在新闻获取手段飞速进步的现代社会,创新已经成为媒体不可或缺的核心竞争力.     

"驴象之争"的来由与实质--美国总统大选解探之一

2000年12月13日,美国联邦最高法院做出最终裁决,以违宪为由推翻了佛罗里达州高等法院人工计票的裁决,乔治·W·布什因而当选总统.这样,跌宕起伏、悬念迭出的美国总统大选终于以在任副总统戈尔的失败落下了帷幕.     

Public Attitudes toward Polls: Evidence from the 2000 U.S. Presidential Election

This study investigates the perceived impact of election polls,focusing on the hotly contested 2000 U.S. presidential election.Survey data from 558 individuals gathered during the final daysof the election campaign are analyzed to examine beliefs thatthe polls greatly affect other voters, general views of pollsas good or bad for the country, beliefs about whether pollstersinfluence their results to come out a certain way, and supportfor banning election-night projections. Results indicate thatmost respondents felt the polls had no influence on themselveswhile still affecting others. Respondents exhibiting these ‘third-person-effect’perceptions were significantly more likely than others to believethat election polls are a bad thing for the country. Negativeperceptions of polls and beliefs that pollsters try to influenceresults were also related to general distrust of the news media.Negative views of polls in turn were associated with increasedsupport for prohibiting election-night projections. In general,the results illustrate the dependency of negative views aboutpolling on fears of untoward effects on voters, in particularthe fear that polls and election projections might lend supportto candidates opposed by the respondent.     

Need for Orientation and Third-Person Effects of the Televised Debates in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election

The televised debates in the 2016 presidential election took place between two controversial candidates, Hillary Clinton and her opponent, Donald Trump, who faced a deeply divided electorate of highly opinioned voters that had already decided on their supported candidates. How did viewing the debates influence them? Would the debates reinforce their existing opinion, or provide them with useful information about the candidates? Drawing on Davison’s third-person effect hypothesis, this study aims to shed light on the question of how viewing the debates influences voters relative to others in the era of social media. The study focuses on the need for orientation as a predictor of debate exposure and the behavioral consequences of debate exposure for electoral engagement on social media. Findings show that partisans are not impacted by viewing the debates, but respondents perceived Independents to be most vulnerable. Further, need for orientation moderated the relationship between debate exposure and perceived effects of the debates on self, which prompted respondents to mobilize support for the candidate of their choice and to vote for their supported candidates.     

对峙中趋同：轮流坐庄与内外政策－－美国总统大选解探之六

从1789年华盛顿任第一届总统迄今,美国的两党政治已运行了211年.从1861年首任共和党总统林肯上台算起,民主、共和两党轮流执政也经历140个春秋.两百多年来,政坛脸谱不断更迭,或当政,或在野,双方唇枪舌剑,充满了对峙;然而,在两党不断变化的内外政策之中也有某种定数,有某种趋同的轨迹.解析这种对峙与趋同,对于认识美国的两党政治不无意义.……     

Intermedia Agenda-Setting and Political Activism: MoveOn.org and the 2008 Presidential Election

This study tested for intermedia agenda-setting effects among explicitly partisan news media coverage and political activist group, citizen activist, and official campaign advertisements on YouTube—all in support of the same candidate. The setting for this investigation was the political activist organization MoveOn.org's “Obama in 30 Seconds” online ad contest, which was held during the 2008 U.S. presidential election primaries. The data provided evidence of first- and second-level agenda-setting relationships. Partial correlations revealed that the citizen activist issue agenda, as articulated in the contest ads, was most strongly related to the partisan media coverage, rather than to the issue priorities of the official Obama or MoveOn.org ads on YouTube. These results extend the intermedia agenda-setting framework to political activist communication efforts and consumer-generated content.     

美国总统图书馆的历史与现状

总统图书馆是美国图书馆史上一个特殊的图书馆类型,也是世界图书馆史上的一个特殊现象.它现由十一个总统图书馆组成.     

The 2008 Presidential Election, 2.0: A Content Analysis of User-Generated Political Facebook Groups

Although Facebook is primarily known for building and maintaining relationships, the 2008 presidential election highlighted this social networking website as a viable tool for political communication. In fact, during primary season until Election Day in 2008, Facebook users created more than 1,000 Facebook group pages that focused on Barack Obama and John McCain. Using quantitative content analysis, the primary purpose of this study was to assess how both John McCain and Barack Obama were portrayed across these Facebook groups. Results indicated that group membership and activity levels were higher for Barack Obama than for John McCain. Overall, Barack Obama was portrayed more positively across Facebook groups than John McCain. In addition, profanity, racial, religious, and age-related language were also coded for and varied with regard to how each candidate was portrayed. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.     

对抗与博弈:张耀曾与《大总统选举法》

民国初年,一批以实现民族独立国家富强为己任的政治精英拉开宪政救国的序幕,其中张耀曾便是杰出代表。第一届国会期间,他围绕《大总统选举法》的选举方法和大总统职权展开激烈争论,然而在袁世凯强力干涉之下,宪政理想轰然坍塌。民初的宪政虽以失败而告终,但留给后人的启示是久远的。