When Choice Does Not Matter: Political Liberalism,Religion and the Faith School Debate

Liberal attempts to defend faith schooling have been conditional on the ability of faith schools to serve as a context for individual choice. A recent critique of these attempts claims that religious parents would find such moderate faith schooling unacceptable. This article sets forth a new liberal defence of faith schools drawing heavily on the distinction between political and comprehensive liberalism. Since political liberalism's understanding of personal autonomy does not include the ability to make choices, the political liberal defence of faith schools can accommodate denominational schools that limit the ability of students to choose or change their religion.     

Freedom of Conscience and Illiberal Socialization: The Congruence Argument

This paper addresses the question of whether the interest liberal societies have in producing liberal citizens gives liberal societies the right to regulate the affairs of illiberal groups. It claims that attempts by Rawls and Galston to make liberalism more "pluralism friendly" by reducing the demands for liberal citizenship fail, and it explores arguments by Amy Gutmann, Susan Moller Okin, Eamonn Callan and Will Kymlicka that support a stronger interest in regulating the socialization practices of illiberal groups. The main conclusion of the article is that we must seek for a context-sensitive balance between the need to produce liberal citizens and other liberal values such as freedom of conscience.     

Liberal Philosophy of Education: a paradigm under strain1

This paper suggests that liberal philosophy of education, which shares the implicit commitments of modern neutralist liberalism, also exhibits that political philosophy's theoretical inadequacies and inability to guide practice. It argues that neither theoretical perspective can redeem its claims to equally respect the demands of liberty and equity, when those claims rely only on arguments of procedural value. Consequent implications, for both educational theory and educational aims, are discussed.     

Liberalism and Communitarianism: a response to two recent attempts to reconcile individual autonomy with group identity

This article is concerned with recent attempts to balance the claims for political citizenship in a liberal democracy (liberalism) with competing claims for cultural identity within traditional non‐liberal communities (communitarianism). Claims of the first kind are usually seen as universal in that they are based on what it is to be human, while claims of the second kind are seen as particular in so far as they relate to membership of a specific culture. Singh (1997) argues for discussion method as a means of reconciling the claims of democratic citizenship with those of cultural attachment in non‐liberal communities. In an earlier and related paper, Singh (1995) also seeks an accommodation between shared and particular values in a multicultural society. Halstead (1997) is concerned about the dilemmas faced by liberal educators and by Muslims with regard to the sex education curriculum and Muslim pupils. In an earlier paper, Halstead (1995) makes proposals for a curriculum which combines a communitarian commitment to the cultural integrity of non‐liberal communities with active participation in the life of a liberal democracy. I will argue that whether we begin from a liberal commitment to individual autonomy (Singh) or from a concern for the cultural integrity and survival of non‐liberal communities (Halstead), there are very real difficulties in achieving a reconciliation between liberal and communitarian perspectives.     

Education and Nationality

The paper argues that nationality and national sentiment have been, until recently, neglected concepts in liberal, as distinct from conservative, political and educational philosophy, It claims that, appropriately detached from nationalistic ideas associated with the political right, the promotion of national sentiment as an educational aim is not incompatible with liberalism and, more strongly, may be desirable for reasons of personal and cultural identity as well as for redistributive reasons. The paper then explores issues to do with British nationality in particular, arguing for a remodelled conception to replace the traditional one; and finally it looks at curricular implications, especially in the British context, of aiming at the cultivation of national sentiment within a liberal framework.     

The 'Futures' of Queer Children and the Common School Ideal

This paper focuses on an especially urgent challenge to the legitimacy of the common school ideal—a challenge that has hardly been addressed within contemporary debates within liberal philosophy of education. The challenge arises from claims to accommodation by queer people and queer communities—claims that are based on notions of queerness and queer identity that are seriously underrepresented within contemporary liberal political and educational theory. The paper articulates a liberal view of personal autonomy that is constituted by a conception of practical reasoning rooted in thick communal experiences. It is argued that common schools concerned with equal concern for the autonomy of all children must attend to the specific communal requirements needed to developing the autonomous practical reasoning of queer children—requirements for what is termed a sense of 'futurity'. Five practical recommendations for common schools are briefly outlined. The paper concludes with some reflections on the divergent and convergent interests of queer theory and liberalism, and considers some possibilities for a partial reconciliation of the two theoretical perspectives.     

DEVELOPMENTAL LIBERALISM

A bstract .  In this essay, Randall Curren identifies a type of liberalism that incorporates empirical claims about the development of agency and rationality, and responds to the criticism that liberalism rests on an incoherent conception of autonomous agency . He argues that moral agents did indeed "become ghosts" somewhere en route from Aristotle to Kant, but not for the reasons supposed, nor with the consequences for liberalism alleged by its critics. Curren concludes that an Aristotelian form of developmental liberalism, resting on a conception of rational agency as embodied, incremental, and developmentally contingent on social and circumstantial factors, can survive the familiar critiques of the "liberal self" and enable the liberal tradition to further expand the range of educational matters it can fruitfully address.     

Responses of Liberal Democratic Societies to Claims from Ethnic Minorities to Community Rights

Immigrants within European and North American countries, with their different religions and ways of life, pose many challenges to the receiving countries' liberal values and ways of life. These challenges express themselves in the form of cultural conflicts played out within the microcosm of the schools. The paper explores the place of minority rights within two liberal societies and examines how the societies' different procedures and ideology resulted in different outcomes for minority rights. These are examined in relation to two selected court cases involving cultural and religious expression through the wearing of religious or cultural attire in schools which attempted to ban these religious or cultural attire despite claims that these 'dress' or attire constituted a religious requirement or an intrinsic aspect of a way of life. The first case involves the wearing of headscarves (called foulards) by Muslim school girls in France, while the second case involves the wearing of a turban by a Sikh pupil. Attempts are made to discuss broader issues of cultural minority community rights within liberal democratic and human rights frameworks.     

Faith-Based Schooling and the Invisible Effects of 11 September 2001: The view from England

The specific problematic of this paper is the effects of the events of 11 September on English education policy, particularly policy surrounding faith schooling. One story to be told is one of an absence of effect, of policy discussions and directions continuing on the same trajectory before and after that date, a story of 'no U-turn'. However, this article presents an alternative account that recognizes important effects, but effects that have largely remained below the surface. The central focus of the paper is the symbolic power of 11 September operating around an axis of destabilization. It is argued that the event symbolizes a disruption of myths of urban order and of the 'safe' accommodations between modernity and postmodernity; and that there has been an analogous impact on the myth of liberalism as the all-encompassing voice of reason and civilization. '11 September', it is suggested, serves as a potent reminder of the fundamental tensions in models of liberal education, evident, in particular, in the paradox of 'liberal imperialism'. It can thus be effectively mobilized in policy discussions by either regressive or progressive thinkers. The paper draws attention to the way in which these tensions and mobilization practices can be seen behind current English policy debates on faith schooling. It concludes that intensified public anxieties about 'Osama Bin Laden academies' fundamentally undermining 'our way of life' have not coalesced into anything 'measurable'; but that the lack of a U-turn by New Labour on the faith schooling issue could be understood as an important 'intervention' designed to act as one stabilizing message in destabilized times.     

What is critical about critical pedagogy? Conflicting conceptions of criticism in the curriculum*

Abstract

In this paper, I explore the problems of cultivating a critical attitude in pedagogy given problems with accounts grounded in critical social theory, rational liberalism and pragmatic esthetic theory. I offer instead an alternative account of criticism for education in open, pluralistic, liberal, democratic societies called 'pedagogy of difference' that is grounded in the diversity liberalism of Isaiah Berlin and the dialogical philosophy of Martin Buber. In our current condition in which there is no agreement as to the proper criteria for assessing attitudes and actions, for a critical attitude to gain a foothold one must learn to evaluate proposed beliefs and behaviour-based standards within a particular tradition as well as those drawn from another viewpoint. To know oneself, one must engage others who are different. But to engage others in a meaningful way one must be immersed in a tradition to which one is heir or with which one chooses to affiliate.     

Political Liberalism and Civic Education: The Liberal State and its Future Citizens

This article evaluates the conception of citizenship embodied in political liberalism as the core ingredient of a national syllabus designed to provide an uncontroversial yet substantial education in moral and political values in a liberal democratic state system. I argue ( pace recent work by Stephen Macedo) that Rawls's paradigmatic version of political liberalism fails to avoid begging the political question against those who do not share liberal values. I contend in particular that Rawls's defence of the distinction between comprehensive and political values and his assignment of priority to the latter, invokes an idea of what is politically reasonable that involves a comprehensive and therefore controversial liberal conception of the person.     

NO CHILD IS AN ISLAND: CHARACTER DEVELOPMENT AND THE RIGHTS OF CHILDREN

In this essay Olivia Newman critically examines two opposing rights claims: the liberal claim that children have a right to become liberal choosers and the fundamentalist claim that children have a right to not become liberal choosers. These positions reflect differing views regarding the value of critically choosing, rather than simply accepting, a way of life. Given their assumptions regarding preference formation, both of these rights appear untenable in light of recent scholarship in psychology: we can neither select a way of life independent of our social milieu, as liberals often imply, nor can we predict how different experiences will affect our preferences, as fundamentalists assume. Nevertheless, each position points to important concerns. Children have a substantive right of exit from constraining social milieus, as liberals purport, as well as a right to respect in public institutions, as fundamentalists insist. When liberals and fundamentalists assert these more modest rights claims, educators can and should strive to satisfy both.     

Attitudes to lying in children aged 8/9 and 11/12

Abstract

The paper considers the way in which white teachers and students make sense of ‘race’ in a multiracial college of further education. It argues that within white cultural forms there are two main ways of comprehending race, the ‘nationalistic’ and ‘liberal’. It suggests however that these two forms are interrelated and that paradoxically the nationalistic may feed in and support a white ‘liberalism’. It is argued that the liberal form's denial of structure serves to sustain a white racism. On a more positive note it is argued that teachers’ concerns with equal opportunities provide an important resource in the development of an anti‐racist education.     

From Constructivism to a Pragmatist Conception of Learning

This paper contributes to the debate on constructivist learning theory. We contrast the constructivist notion of activity that identifies 'active' with 'conscious' and 'intentional' with John Dewey's habitual conception of action, knowing and learning by doing. As regards language and truth, we defend an anti-representationalist conception that sees words as tools of communication and coordination rather than representations reflecting reality. To compare our Deweyan pragmatist conception of learning with contemporary viewpoints associated with constructivism, we examine and criticise the notions of 'knowledge building' and 'metacognition'. Finally, we consider what Deweyan ideas about learning and growth might mean for education in the twenty-first century.     

Education for Liberal Democracy: Universalising a Western Construct?

An influential view of liberalism and its view of education holds that it is a western construct unsuited to non-western societies. Bikhu Parekh's critique of liberal democracy is taken here as representative of that position. In challenging that view, this article shows through an analysis of recent policy that post-apartheid education in South Africa expresses a liberal view of education, just as the political order introduced in 1994 is a liberal one. If we adopt Parekh's principle that societies should be allowed to choose their own destinies, there are transcendental grounds for promoting liberalism and a liberal view of education outside of the liberal western democracies.     

Political identity and moral education: A response to Jonathan Haidt’s The Righteous Mind

In The Righteous Mind, Jonathan Haidt claims that liberals have a narrower moral outlook than conservatives—they are concerned with fairness and relief of suffering, which Haidt sees as individualistic values, while conservatives care about authority and loyalty too, values concerned with holding society together. I question Haidt’s methodology, which does not permit liberals to express concerns with social bonds that do not fit within an ‘authority’ or ‘loyalty’ framework and discounts people who support liberal positions but do not self-ascribe as liberals. I also argue that of the six ‘moral foundations’, fairness and relief of suffering are more fundamental values than authority and loyalty, which are virtues only if their objects are worthy. Moral education programs must also encourage students to recognize some values as more urgent than others, and permit inquiry into the actual reasons for political behavior other than professed value commitments.     

哈耶克眼中的保守主义与自由主义

当代自由主义哲学家哈耶克认为保守主义由于其拒绝面对现实的态度,由于其所持有的积极的政治观,由于其反民主倾向,以及由于其与民族主义,帝国主义之间的密切联系,从而与自由主义互不相容,这也是哈耶克从不自称保守主义的原因。     

哈耶克自由主义理论对教学自由的启示

文章试图探索哈耶克政治学自由主义内涵对于教学自由的意义。按照哈耶克的自由主义理论,教学自由有三层含义：第一,教学自由是一种不受强制的状态;第二,存在于师生关系中,是在教师与学生的交往活动中实现的;第三,是在政治权利许可的范围内进行活动的权力。教学自由必须以教与学双方遵守共同规则,承担相关责任作为前提条件。     

Subject English as citizenship education

This article is equal parts educational history and political philosophy. We aim to remind readers that subject English (SE) and indeed state education emerge from the contradictory impulses of classical liberalism, and that, more than simply resembling citizenship education, SE emerges in the first instance as a form of highly normativising citizenship education. We further argue that, following England's recent educational reforms initiated by former Education Secretary Michael Gove, SE continues to be framed in moral terms consistent with citizenship education—again, of a highly normativising sort. England's current educational policy generally, and specifically the framing of SE, employs the language of liberal possibility, while ultimately espousing an invidious exclusionary and assimilationist politics. The framing of SE, moreover, is one that misrepresents the supposedly ‘rich and varied literary heritage’ it is supposed to exemplify and promote. The current political landscape in which the study of literature takes place is one where a crisis of liberalism is manifest (in terms of populism, radicalisation or apathy). However, we do not believe the answer is to retreat into a sealed, hermetic canon that excludes the reality that England and English literature are fundamentally multicultural and polyethnic. SE will be the poorer for not fully acknowledging and embodying this, for not enabling students to imaginatively and critically engage with characters and experiences that reflect both the present and long-standing diversity of English society, as well as its present and long-standing inequalities.     

Children's Rights,die Antipädagogen,and the Paternalism of John Stuart Mill

Abstract: Nordenbo, S. E. 1987. Children's Rights, die Antipädagogen, and the Paternalism of John Stuart Mill. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research 31, 163‐180. In recent decades it has been maintained by some contemporary heirs to the tradition of progressive education that children must be regarded as a ‘subjugated’ section of the population, and that support for this view can be found in John Stuart Mill's moral and political philosophy. This article attempts a closer examination of this latter claim. It can be shown that Mill's ‘principle of liberty’ must be understood according to the strategic theory of moral rules, and that it can thus be argued that paternalism towards children is justifiable, which is what Mill maintains. From this reading of Mill it follows that proponents of ‘educational liberalism’ are not justified in claiming Mill as spokesman for their views.