ACT UP,Haitian Migrants,and Alternative Memories of HIV/AIDS

In 1786, backcountry Massachusetts farmers, fed up with government policies favoring aristocratic elites, marched on courts to bar the entry of judges and juries. Enacting a long-standing tradition known to colonists as a “Regulation,” the farmers’ movement became known as Shays's Rebellion. Erupting in the turbulent days following the War for Independence, yet predating the formation of the national Constitution, Shays's Rebellion was understood as a crucial post-war attempt to deploy state violence to manage popular dissent; thus, Shays's Rebellion produced deeply problematic yet lasting rhetorical conventions for justifying the compromised forms of republicanism that mark the early republic.     

解读共和主义的现代复兴:以自由主义为参照

共和主义于20世纪中叶在西方开始复兴,从理论与实践的角度探究共和主义现代复兴的背景及原因,比照透析自由主义与共和主义基本理念不同之处,解读复兴后共和主义新的内涵,有利于我们理解西方政治哲学的基本问题,对尚处在转型期的中国具有多方面的启迪意义。     

Reclaiming the Rhetoric of Reies López Tijerina: Border Identity and Agency in “The Land Grant Question”

Chicano activist Reies Tijerina's speech known as “The Land Grant Question” provides a point of analysis in this article for assessing contradictory understandings of Tijerina and his movement, La Alianza Federal de Mercedes. The author explores how in both its rhetorical content and form, Tijerina's speech navigated and negotiated identity and agency for the Alianza and Mexican Americans. The speech represents border rhetoric, a type of vernacular discourse that migrates across borders, sustains contradictions, and crafts a middle space. Reclaiming Tijerina's rhetoric extends Chicano movement studies, illuminates notions of rhetorical agency, and highlights a rhetorically-inflected notion of the border.     

Tales of a Texas Cynic: Theodore O. Windt Remembered

In memory of Professor Ted Windt, this essay considers his significant contributions to rhetorical scholarship and pedagogy. It examines his unique contributions to our understandings of American presidential and protest rhetoric of the late 20th century, highlighting his application of Greek cynicism as explanatory schema for American protest rhetoric and then recounting Windt's framework for analyzing “crisis” rhetoric as appropriated by recent American presidents to advance their agendas. The essay then considers Windt's pedagogical perspectives and argues that Windt's teaching itself was acclaimed because it was rooted in the rhetorical and oratorical excellence. In conclusion, it is argued that Ted Windt was a unique and important rhetorical scholar and critic whose life and work provide lasting scholarly contributions and a robust model for achieving excellence in the college classroom.     

论佩迪特共和主义思想的社会主义背景

佩迪特的共和主义政治哲学在冷战后的学术界内取得了非常大的影响,并吸引了部分政治家的注意力。共和主义之所以能够在这一时期受到许多左翼知识分子的青睐,是因为其政策主张与社会主义有着相似之处,故而被当做了后者的替代品。尽管如此,由于共和主义传统本身的一些特点,佩迪特的共和主义理论与传统社会主义仍然存在着一些分歧。     

“Acting as Freemen”: Rhetoric,Race, and Reform in the Debate over Colonization in Freedom's Journal, 1827–1828

This essay features a debate in Freedom's Journal, the first African-American newspaper, in 1827 and 1828, concerning the proposals of the American Colonization Society. Arguments favoring colonization illuminate the ways in which whiteness informs and constrains the discourse of white self-professed reformers about race, nation, and public rhetoric. As constitutive rhetoric, the anti-colonization arguments of contributors to Freedom's Journal construct African Americans as agents, citizens, and empowered public rhetors. The exchange reveals key, often hidden aspects of the discourses of whites and of people of color about race and reform in the antebellum period and in the contemporary public sphere.     

托马斯·史密斯爵士与都铎英国的共和主义思想

在16世纪英国民族国家迅速发展的背景下,共和主义也得到传播。托马斯·史密斯爵士提出了君民共和的广义共和主义,实现了共和主义与君主制的结合,指出了在君主制民族国家共和主义传播发展的方向。     

托克维尔与梁启超对美国民主共和制认知比较研究

美国民主共和制作为人类政治文明史上较完备的民主制度,曾引起世人的向往与羡慕,成为世界各国学者、政治家学习研究的时象。尽管托克维尔与梁启超属于不同的时代、不同的国度,但两人通过对美国的考察,在对民主共和制度的认知方面却存在着大致相似的认识:美国民主共和政体是特定历史条件的产物;地方自治与实行民主共和制有密切的关系;三权分立与权力制衡原则在美国民主共和制中起着重要的作用;民主共和精神时国家政治生活的重要性等。两人通过对美国的考察,得出了惊人相似的结论:美国民主共和制是特定历史条件下的产物,各国不能模仿其民主共和模式,只能学习其民主共和精神。     

托马斯·史密斯爵士与都铎英国的共和主义思想

在16世纪英国民族国家迅速发展的背景下,共和主义也得到传播.托马斯·史密斯爵士提出了君民共和的广义共和主义,实现了共和主义与君主制的结合,指出了在君主制民族国家共和主义传播发展的方向.     

论宗廷虎现代修辞学研究的自我超越

宗廷虎先生是我国著名的修辞学家,多年来一直在修辞学领域辛勤耕耘,在修辞学史和修辞史的研究上取得了丰硕成果。文章从宗先生在修辞学性质与范围、修辞研究途径与方法、白话修辞与文言修辞以及20世纪中国修辞学起源等方面卓有建树的成就来阐释宗先生对现代修辞学研究的不断创新与自我超越。     

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala's Primer Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno and the Practice of Rhetorical Theory in Colonial Peru

This essay takes up Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala's Primer Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno as an artifact of early colonial Peruvian rhetoric and an evocative example of American rhetorical theory. Our analysis illuminates how Guaman Poma theorizes transcultural colonial communication from an Andean perspective. We highlight three key elements in his theory: its ethical copia, its concern with the insufficiency of the available genres, and its assumption that communication will fail. In the end, we suggest, Guaman Poma provides a generative, if incomplete, theory that helps account for the complexities of colonial rhetorical practice.     

Signs of protest rhetoric: From Logos to logistics in Luther's Ninety-Five Theses

Our paper conceptualizes protest rhetoric in order to theorize the underlying relationship between communication and subjectivity. We do this by highlighting how rhetorical protest challenges the sovereignty of voice. Our argument is that Martin Luther's Ninety-Five Theses is an example of a sign that protests. To make this argument, we use a materialist method from media studies that simultaneously examines the formal capacities of a sign that protests and maps its historical transformation. Our analysis opens with the two prevailing accounts of Luther's theses: disputation and dissemination. We extend both disputation and dissemination by placing them in a “universal history” of protest rhetoric that grounds many accepted critical rhetorical theories in specific systems of representation. Drawing together our findings, we conclude by urging the replacement of logos and logocentrism with the logistics of protest rhetoric in order to link together disputation and dissemination as a mechanism for both change and subjection.     

Native Resistive Rhetoric and the Decolonization of American Indian Removal Discourse

This essay examines nineteenth-century Native resistance to the American Indian removal policy as a strategy of decolonization. Attention focuses in particular on the tactics of decolonization employed in the rhetoric of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole nations as it functioned to expose the dilemmas and hypocrisies of U.S. government justifications for Native removal as animated by discourses of territoriality, republicanism, paternalism, and godly authority. This analysis of the rhetorical strategy and tactics of decolonization helps to reassess the agency of nineteenth-century American Native voices and to gauge in general how rhetorics of resistance can be articulated in colonial contexts.     

民主领导——马基雅维利对民众主义的共和主义的补充

一、引言我们正在逐渐地进入克劳奇所说的“后民主”(post-democracy)时代。各个社会正在迅速朝向完全的宪政民主转变,因为据说自由选举能够促使政府对其行为更负责任和更具有回应性。然而,公民们却在逐渐成为一群消极且无序的人,只会间歇性地回应由政客和极端分子提出的博人眼球的话题。     

Eisenhower and the American Sublime

This essay presents Dwight D. Eisenhower's presidential rhetoric as an iteration of an American synecdochal sublime. Eisenhower's rhetoric sought to re-aim civic sight beyond corporeal objects to the nation's transcendental essence. This rhetoric is intimately connected to prevailing political anxieties and exigencies, especially the problem of “the Bomb” and the related philosophy of deterrence. Over and against the material presence of the atomic bomb, which threatened to concentrate national energies, Eisenhower advanced an expansive vision of national “spiritual” being to which corporeal images could only gesture. Correlatively, he positioned himself as a kind of priestly mediator. Therefore, he not only justified a strong deterrent stance in the Cold War, but made moral sense of it.     

Flaunting one's academic pedigree? Self‐presentation of students from elite French schools

This article starts from the puzzle that although French elite institutions enjoy extremely positive and attractive images, students from these schools generally choose to conceal their academic pedigree in their daily interactions. We show that, in a context of growing inequalities of access to grandes écoles, the strategy of hiding one's student identity may be understood as the desire to avoid six core threats associated with declaring one's association with an elite school: not conforming to group norms, confirming a negative reputation, not living up to a positive reputation, reducing one's identity, losing control of one's identity, and threatening the identity of the other. The conclusions highlight the implications of this microsociological study on a host of much wider questions useful in better understanding the ambivalent relations that exist between French society and its elites issued from the grandes écoles.     

“We Are Not Free”: The Meaning of <Freedom> in American Indian Resistance to President Johnson's War on Poverty

This essay examines how the ideograph <freedom> was crafted through dialectical struggles between Euro-Americans and American Indians over federal Indian policy between 1964 and 1968. For policymakers, <freedom> was historically sutured to the belief that assimilation was the only pathway to American Indian liberation. I explore the American Indian youth movement's response to President Johnson's War on Poverty to demonstrate how activists rhetorically realigned <freedom> in Indian policy with the Great Society's rhetoric of “community empowerment.” I illustrate how American Indians orchestrated counterhegemonic resistance by reframing the “Great Society” as an argument for a “Greater Indian American.” This analysis evinces the rhetorical significance of ideographic transformation in affecting policy change.     

从概念选择到方法解构:佩迪特无支配自由观的逻辑与缺陷

作为当代新共和主义的代表人物,佩迪特无意重构一种不同于自由主义的价值目标和理论体系,他的目标是打破自由主义对自由概念的垄断,在共和主义的框架下,以无支配的自由观为核心,围绕自由、法律、公民、参与、身份等重要议题,深度阐释共和主义的自由观.从概念选择到方法解构,佩迪特的论证存在诸多误读和缺陷.新共和主义的自由观为当代政治哲学提供了新的语境和论域.     

近代西方共和主义与自由主义的关系——共和修正派与自由主义者之争

史学界的主流学说长期认为,自由主义理论是近代西方革命与政体的思想基础;但当代“共和修正派”在复兴古典共和主义时,论证了共和主义是近现代英美政治思想起源和发展的基础。这引发了一场关于近代西方革命、政治思想中主导理念的大论战;总体上看,共和修正派居于下风。争论的实质是两派争夺主流意识形态地位和话语权。共和主义与自由主义的关系是：自由主义提出了公民对自由权利的需求,共和主义找到了实现自由的政治体制——共和制;自由是目的,共和是方法．自由需要在共和制中实现,不可脱离共和制。     

Assessing womanist thought: The rhetoric of Susan L. Taylor

This essay focuses on the rhetoric of Susan L. Taylor, communications director and former editor of Essence, a national magazine targeted to African American women. Taylor is also the author of the magazine's monthly column, “In the Spirit.” Her monthly columns focusing on African American women's empowerment epitomize the tenets of womanist epistemology and methodology and therefore are worthy of scholarly attention.