How schools tackle bullying,and the use of whole school policies: changes over the last decade

Surveys were carried out to assess the UK government’s anti‐bullying pack Don’t suffer in silence in 1996 (after the first edition) and 2002 (after the second edition), to investigate what schools are doing about bullying, and the effect of anti‐bullying policies becoming a legal requirement. Schools in England were approached, randomly but within the constraint of having a spread across geographical regions. In 1996 109 schools and in 2002 148 schools were asked about school policy, interventions, and bullying frequency. Most schools moved from having a bullying policy as part of a broader policy on behaviour and discipline, to having a separate anti‐bullying policy. More schools attempted to survey the extent of bullying and there were changes in the use of particular interventions. Most interventions were rated as moderately useful. Some variations in use and satisfaction between different school levels were found. The implications of anti‐bullying work at schools and its success are discussed.     

School policies on bullying and cyberbullying: perspectives across three Australian states

Background: Despite decades of research, bullying in all its forms is still a significant problem within schools in Australia, as it is internationally. Anti-bullying policies and guidelines are thought to be one strategy as part of a whole school approach to reduce bullying. However, although Australian schools are required to have these policies, their effectiveness is not clear. As policies and guidelines about bullying and cyberbullying are developed within education departments, this paper explores the perspectives of those who are involved in their construction. Purpose: This study examined the perspectives of professionals involved in policy construction, across three different Australian states. The aim was to determine how their relative jurisdictions define bullying and cyberbullying, the processes for developing policy, the bullying prevention and intervention recommendations given to schools and the content considered essential in current policies. Sample: Eleven key stakeholders from three Australian states with similar education systems were invited to participate. The sample selection criteria included professionals with experience and training in education, cyber-safety and the responsibility to contribute to or make decisions which inform policy in this area for schools in their state. Design and methods: Participants were interviewed about the definitions of bullying they used in their state policy frameworks; the extent to which cyberbullying was included; and the content they considered essential for schools to include in anti-bullying policies. Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews and analysed thematically. Findings: Seven themes were identified in the data: (1) Definition of bullying and cyberbullying; (2) Existence of a policy template; (3) Policy location; (4) Adding cyberbullying; (5) Distinguishing between bullying and cyberbullying; (6) Effective policy; and (7) Policy as a prevention or intervention tool. The results were similar both across state boundaries and also across different disciplines. Conclusion: Analysis of the data suggested that, across the themes, there was some lack of information about bullying and cyberbullying. This limitation could affect the subsequent development, dissemination and sustainability of school anti-bullying policies, which have implications for the translation of research to inform better student outcomes.     

Whole-school antibullying interventions: A systematic review of 20 years of publications

A systematic literature review on whole-school antibullying interventions was conducted. Twelve databases were consulted, considering as inclusion criteria: scientific article, published between 1998 and June 2018, in English or Portuguese, describing empirical studies on whole-school antibullying interventions. Seventeen studies were analyzed, indicating that the interventions had the reduction of bullying prevalence as main goal, and secondary goals as improvements in reporting bullying occurrences, bullying identification, and attitudes toward bullying. Six interventions had experimental designs, five were quasiexperimental, and six were preexperimental. Data collection in 14 studies involved exclusively students, in two studies measurements also encompassed teachers, and one study applied questionnaires to parents only. Intervention effects on bullying prevalence were inconsistent, with eight studies finding significant decreases in bullying involvement, while seven studies did not show significant effects on bullying prevalence or found negative results, such as an increase of its prevalence. However, the interventions had significant positive effects on increasing the reporting of bullying occurrences, attitudes toward bullying, and perceived peer and teacher intervention. Thus, whole-school antibullying interventions, incorporating multiple strategies and targeting multiple individuals, should be encouraged to address the complexity of bullying.     

Reducing Bullying: Application of Social Cognitive Theory

Social cognitive theory (SCT) is an important heuristic for understanding the complexity of bullying behaviors and the social nature of involvement in bullying. Bullying has been heralded as a social relationship problem, and the interplay between the individual and his or her social environment supports this conceptualization. SCT has been used to help guide the development of an individualized intervention for bully perpetrators, which will be described in this article. Intervening directly with those who bully others helps understand individual variation in bullying, as well as teaches bully perpetrators alternative, prosocial ways of interacting with others. Students who bully others exhibit a complex array of psychological, cognitive, and social characteristics. In this article, we argue that to truly reduce bullying, interventions must address these psychological, cognitive, and social contributing factors. Only when interventions target these constructs will individuals be able to transform their bullying behaviors into prosocial interactions.     

Sexual Harassment and Bullying: Similar,but not the Same. What School Officials Need To Know

As the focus on bullying has grown, attention to incidents of and concern about sexual harassment has diminished. It is easy to understand that sexual harassment can be a form of bullying, especially when it is used to intimidate, but it is also a form of discrimination prohibited by federal and state laws. Effective implementation and enforcement of bullying and sexual harassment policies can only occur when administration and staff are knowledgeable about each policy, can differentiate between the two, and use appropriate discretion in applying the correct policy. This article discusses current legal developments concerning sexual harassment and bullying in K-12. It examines strategies for developing and implementing policies and training to help create a safe, secure educational environment that is conducive to learning.     

Constructing bullying in Ontario,Canada: a critical policy analysis

As the prevalence and negative effects of bullying become widely known, people around the world seem desperate to solve the bullying “problem”. A sizeable body of research about many aspects of bullying and a plethora of anti-bullying programmes and policies now exist. This critical policy analysis asks: how does Ontario, Canada’s bullying policy support and/or undermine critical democracy; and how does it reflect, support and further the interests of neoliberalism and/or neoconservatism? Findings indicate that the policy constructs the problem of bullying as a problem of individuals and a “behaviour for learning” problem. The policy also prescribes standardised responses to bullying incidents. We explore ways in which these constructions are undemocratic and unjust. The findings are particularly concerning because bullying policies are often viewed as innocuous by practitioners. This paper offers more than just critique by providing suggestions for how research and policies can become more just and equitable and how bullying policy may be enacted to support critical democracy.     

School bullying and bare life: Challenging the state of exception

Despite a vast amount of research into school bullying and the widespread implementation of anti-bullying policies and programs, large numbers of students continue to report that they are routinely subjected to bullying by their peers. In this theoretical article, I argue that part of the problem is that there has been a lack of critical discussion of the theoretical foundations upon which such studies are based. Drawing on recent theoretical contributions within the field of school bullying, the work of anthropologist James C. Scott, and the work of philosophers Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, I take particular issue with the notion of power that has long been a foundational pillar of bullying definitions. Utilizing a Foucauldian understanding of power, I argue that rather than focusing on the power imbalance involved in bullying relations, focus instead needs to shift onto the role that bullying plays in power relations. Reimagining Agamben’s figure of homo sacer as a victim of school bullying, I consider the ways in which some individuals are reduced to bare life and forced into a state of exception whereby social laws are no longer deemed applicable. The article concludes with a discussion of how this state of exception might be challenged.     

Impact of the Friendly Schools whole-school intervention on transition to secondary school and adolescent bullying behaviour

Peer bullying increases in times of school transition, influenced by changing peer and friendship groups, new schooling environments and greater stress. Covert forms of bullying, including cyberbullying, become more common in secondary school and cause considerable distress and long-term harm. The period of transition to secondary school is therefore a critical window for intervening to manage and prevent bullying. A three-year cluster randomised control trial was conducted to develop, implement and evaluate the Friendly Schools Project intervention which aimed to reduce bullying and aggression among more than 3,000 students who had recently transitioned to secondary school. Intervention schools were provided with individualised training and resources to support students’ transition and reduce bullying using a multi-level comprehensive intervention addressing classroom curriculum, school policies and procedures, the social and physical environment, pastoral care approaches and school-home-community links. Although the observed effect sizes were small, the intervention had a consistently significant positive effect across a range of outcomes, including bullying perpetration, victimisation, depression, anxiety, stress, feelings of loneliness and perceptions of school safety at the end of the students’ first year in secondary school. However, none of these differences were sustained into the students’ second year of secondary school. These findings demonstrate the immediate value of whole-school interventions to reduce bullying behaviour and associated harms among students who have recently transitioned to secondary school, as well as the need to provide strategies that continue to support students as they progress through school, to sustain these effects.     

Participant Roles in Bullying: How Can Peer Bystanders Be Utilized in Interventions?

This article provides a view of school bullying as a group phenomenon and practical implications stemming from this approach. The motivation for bullying perpetration often relates to one's social standing in the group. Peer bystanders are typically present when bullying takes place, often providing the perpetrators with social rewards. The more such rewards (e.g., laughing, cheering) are present and the less the victimized children are supported and defended, the more likely bullying is maintained in a classroom or a peer group. However, bystanders are not necessarily aware of the consequences of their responses when witnessing bullying, and they may not know how to support and defend vulnerable peers. In interventions aiming to reduce bullying, peer bystanders' awareness of their own role, their empathy toward victimized youth, as well as their self-efficacy related to defending those youth should be enhanced. Intervention evaluations have shown that changing bystander responses to bullying is a fruitful way to reduce bullying and victimization.     

Victims of Bullying in Schools

This article provides an overview of current research on bullying (peer victimization, peer harassment) in school, with a focus on victims of such bullying. The 1st section provides a working definition of bullying and its many forms. The 2nd section describes some of the known consequences of being bullied for mental health, physical health, and academic achievement. The 3rd section turns to individual characteristics that might place children at risk for being bullied. The 4th section describes school-based interventions to reduce bullying and its negative effects. The final section considers implications of research on school bullying for teacher practice.     

The long‐term effectiveness of anti‐bullying work in primary schools

The DFE Sheffield Anti‐Bullying Project showed that schools can reduce the problem of bullying through the use of whole‐school anti‐bullying policies, curriculum exercises, environmental improvements and individual work with bullies and victims. However, the length of time necessary to plan these interventions meant that, in many cases, the work was not completed when the project evaluations ended. This study investigates the continuing progress made in primary schools in the year after the end of the project. Eleven heads took part in interviews; all schools had made some progress with policy development, and all used some curriculum resources. Most had continued with environmental improvements, but few had used the methods for dealing with bullies and victims. Four schools then administered the Olweus bullying questionnaire to all pupils between ages seven and eleven, 657 children taking part. Two schools had a consistent decline in reported bullying, one experienced a consistent rise and the other an initial fall and subsequent rise. Important factors influencing success appeared to be the extent of the consultation exercise and the date of implementation of the anti‐bullying policy. All four schools had reduced bullying among boys, but three experienced a rise in bullying among girls. Anti‐bullying work may have been influenced by a male stereotype of bullying behaviour: efforts are necessary to raise awareness and promote honesty among girls. No school had raised the proportion of victims who had told staff about being bullied.     

Analysing the quality of Australian universities’ student anti-bullying policies

ABSTRACT

Bullying has been a topic widely researched in schools and the workplace, however, comparatively there is a paucity of research into bullying among university students. This is an oversight, as bullying may also have negative consequences for university students, ranging from anxiety to suicidal ideation. Anti-bullying policies are an important part of bullying prevention and intervention, however, due to Australian Federal legislation, policies for students are not mandatory at universities. To be an effective prevention and intervention strategy, anti-bullying policies and procedures should be informative, supportive, well publicised, and student user friendly. Through analysing the anti-bullying policies and procedures from 39 Australian universities, using a 37-item analysis tool adapted from Purdy and Smith as well as thematic analysis, this study aims to determine if Australian universities are providing students with the information and support they need to be able to report bullying to their university and study in a safe environment. Both strengths and weaknesses were found in 37 individual universities’ student anti-bullying policies and procedures, as well as overall trends displayed by universities Australia-wide. The overall paucity of information and consistency, as well as the poor user-friendliness of many of the documents, highlights the need for changes to be made. Without the reform of student anti-bullying policies and procedures in Australian universities, students will be unsupported and ill-equipped to identify and report bullying. Universities will also run the risk of gaining a bad reputation and not promoting a bully-free culture for students in which to learn and socialise.     

A content analysis of school anti-bullying policies: a follow-up after six years

An analysis was undertaken of 217 English school anti-bullying policies, from 169 primary schools and 48 secondary schools, using a 34-item scoring scheme. Findings were compared with an analysis of 142 schools six years earlier. Overall schools in the current analysis had about 49% of the items in their policies, a modest increase over the previous study. Most included a definition of bullying and statements about improving school climate but many schools did not mention other important aspects, and there was low coverage of cyberbullying, homophobic bullying, bullying based on disabilities, or faith; teacher–pupil bullying; responsibilities beyond those of teaching staff; following up of incidents; and specific preventative measures such as playground work, peer support, inclusiveness issues, and bullying to and from school. Several improvements in policies, significant for 20 out of 34 criteria were noted. Findings are discussed in terms of national policy, and ways to support schools in maximising the potential of their policies for reducing bullying.     

Children’s Physiological and Emotional Reactions to Witnessing Bullying Predict Bystander Intervention

Study goals were to explore whether children clustered into groups based on reactions to witnessing bullying and to examine whether these reactions predicted bullying intervention. Seventy‐nine children (M = 10.80 years) watched bullying videos in the laboratory while their heart rate (HR) was measured, and they self‐reported on negative emotion after each video. Bullying intervention was assessed by school peers. Two groups emerged based on reactions to the bullying videos: The Emotional group (43% of children) displayed HR acceleration and reported high negative emotion, whereas the Unemotional group (57% of children) showed HR deceleration and reported low negative emotion. Group membership predicted bullying intervention, with peers reporting that Emotional children were more likely to stop a bully than Unemotional children.     

A content analysis of school anti‐bullying policies: progress and limitations

Schools in England are legally required to have an anti‐bullying policy, but the little research so far suggests that they may lack coverage in important areas. An analysis of 142 school anti‐bullying policies, from 115 primary schools and 27 secondary schools in one county was undertaken. A 31‐item scoring scheme was devised to assess policy. Overall, schools had about 40% of the items in their policies. Most included improving school climate, a definition of bullying including reference to physical, verbal and relational forms, and a statement regarding contact with parents when bullying incidents occurred. But many schools did not mention other important aspects, and there was low coverage of responsibilities beyond those of teaching staff; following up of incidents; management and use of records; and specific preventative measures such as playground work and peer support. There was infrequent mention of homophobic bullying, and of cyberbullying. There was little difference between policies from primary and secondary schools. Findings are discussed in terms of national policy, and ways to support schools in maximising the potential of their policies for reducing bullying.     

Telling is compelling: the impact of student reports of bullying on teacher intervention

Research increasingly recognises the importance of student bystander and adult educator shared responsibility for successful bully prevention. The role of teacher observations versus student reports of bullying, as well as staff preparedness, as predictors of teacher involvement was investigated in 115 middle school teachers. Being told by students about bullying incidents was the strongest predictor of teacher involvement. However, the relation between being told about bullying, or observing it, and coaching students on how to manage bullying was most evident when teachers felt highly prepared to handle bullying situations. Results from this study point to the pivotal role that both teacher preparedness and student reporting play in teacher responsiveness to bullying. Implications for training school professionals and bully prevention programmes are discussed.     

Bullying in schools: why it happens,how it makes young people feel and what we can do about it

In spite of decades of research and more recent guidance by Government, bullying in schools remains a serious concern to young people and to educational practitioners. This two year qualitative study explored the meanings eight teenagers gave to bullying they had experienced, and related this to an analysis of previous research and school policies about bullying. The findings from the study revealed that bullying affected the subjectivity of young people, including how they positioned themselves and believed themselves to be positioned by others. It also found previous research and school policies focused on the behavioural aspects of bullying, neglecting the subjective meanings that it had for those who experienced it. The research findings suggested that a more open approach by adults to what bullying means to individuals, and clearer guidance to teachers on how to work with them about subjective meanings, may provide a new direction in supporting young people who have been bullied.     

Developing resources to address homophobic and transphobic bullying: a framework incorporating co-design,critical pedagogies,and bullying research

ABSTRACT

In 2016, UNESCO developed recommendations to address homophobic and transphobic violence and bullying, including guidance for the development of classroom resources. According to UNESCO, the effectiveness of interventions depends on inclusive, if not affirming, representations of sexual and gender diversity in learning materials, as well as age-appropriate, culturally sensitive, evidenced-based resources. UNESCO advocates that such resources be produced in partnerships with key stakeholders, including civil society and youth and student organisations. The high-level scope of the document however limits detail on how these elements may practically be realised. The purpose of this article is to critique and build on this guidance to extend its scope and offer further recommendations to achieve the changes it seeks. The article begins by integrating key concepts from the bullying research literature with pedagogical theory to offer a theoretical framework to support the ‘evidenced-based’ approach it advocates. Next, with reference to a case-study, the guidelines are reconceptualised and appended to form an eight-step process to guide resource design and production. The article concludes by noting the central importance of robust consultation and collaboration alongside a strong pedagogical theoretical framework as key foundations for successful classroom resource interventions.     

Does the Content of Anti-Bullying Policies Inform us About the Prevalence of Direct and Relational Bullying Behaviour in Primary Schools?

The current study investigated whether the quality of school anti-bullying policies allows the drawing of any conclusions about the extent of bullying problems in schools. That is, do schools with a more detailed anti-bullying policy have lower rates of bullying? A total of 2377 children in primary schools (six year olds/year two: 1072; eight year olds/year four: 1305) were individually interviewed using a standard interview about bullying experiences. A detailed content analysis scheme that closely followed the core whole-school intervention approach was carried out on a total of 34 schools: 24.5% of the children reported being directly victimised very frequently and 45.9% reported being relationally victimised frequently or very frequently. No correlation between the content and quality of anti-bullying policies and the prevalence of direct bullying behaviour was found. Conversely, an inverse relationship was found for relational bullying behaviour: schools with the most detailed and comprehensive anti-bullying policies had a higher incidence of relational bullying and victimisation behaviour. Inspection of school anti-bullying policies per se provides little guide to the actual amount of direct bullying behaviour in schools.     

Bullying Among Young Children: Strategies for Prevention

Bullying is an increasing problem within childcare facilities, preschool programs, and public schools. As a result, many districts are instituting anti-bullying intervention programs. This article defines bullying and explains the direct and indirect forms it can take. First, it examines research on bullying during the beginning years of school. Next, it explains how relational aggression occurs and the importance of positive peer support systems within their schools. The article concludes by examining the effects of consistent anti-bullying initiatives (e.g. conflict resolution strategies, daily check-ins, journals, and peacemaking activities) that address bullying behaviors among young children. Through consistent and clear interventions, students can build positive peer relationships that promote a safe and healthy school climate and culture.