民本主义与我国民主建设

民本主义思想是中国历史重要的文化和精神遗产,是几千年封建社会中君主和士大夫阶层的统治之道,虽然民本与民主有着本质的区别,但民本主义思想主张“民为邦本”,重视人心身背,对我国现阶段社会主义民主的建设具有重要的借鉴作用。     

论东亚民主政治发展对民本与民粹的超越

在深受儒家文化影响的东亚主要国家,现代民主政治的发展往往受到来自民本传统和民粹倾向的双重干扰。这些国家的政治只有在现代市场经济和市民社会发育成熟的基础上实现理念与制度的双重超越,才能达成维系经济、社会永续发展的目的。     

毛泽东对墨家思想的超越及其启示

墨家思想在近代的复兴是与中国社会变革和传统儒家思想的危机相联系的。墨子的社会理想和他主张的勤勉互助精神最容易为农民所认同,也与民粹主义有联系。毛泽东在领导农民进行革命的过程中,一方面注重解决土地问题,调动农民的积圾性;另一方面又强调纠正革命队伍内的错误思想,批判民粹主义,实现了对墨家思想的超越。这对认识现代社会的民粹思潮也有一定启示意义。     

The Public Good. Historical and Political Roots of Municipal Preschools in Emilia Romagna

According to the findings of a recent European study on competence requirement for the early childhood education and care workforce, competent systems that succeed in achieving high levels of professionalism are embedded in coherent public policies that build on consultation with key stakeholders, particularly at local level. In order to flourish, the professional competence of early childhood practitioners needs to be cultivated not only within the institutions they are working for, but also within a constant democratic dialogue that involves children, parents and local communities. A vision of ECEC as a public good therefore becomes an essential precondition for sustaining the development of high quality services for young children and their families. Given the wide range of interconnected socio-economic, educational and rights-based rationales that currently underpin the investment in the expansion of early childhood provision in many European countries, a further elaboration of these findings may offer interesting insights on the purposes of early childhood education and the nature of political commitment serving such purposes. In this article, these issues are discussed by drawing on the analysis of the origin and development of municipal preschool education in the Emilia Romagna region (Italy). Starting from the investigation of the historical and socio-cultural conditions that gave birth to early childhood municipal institutions, the trends characterising ECEC policy-making developments over time are analysed with reference to the experiences of grassroot politics elaborated at regional and local level. Through a careful contextualisation of social and political processes and an in-depth analysis of relevant documentary sources, the conceptual categories underpinning the construction of early childhood education as a public good are outlined and described.     

Bare Pedagogy and the Scourge of Neoliberalism: Rethinking Higher Education as a Democratic Public Sphere

A new form of bare pedagogy is emerging in higher education focused on market-driven competitiveness and even militaristic goal-setting, while critical pedagogy, with its emphasis on the hard work of critical analysis, moral judgments, and social responsibility (critical pedagogy that goes to the very heart of what it means to address real inequalities of power among faculty and administrators) withers. This occurs while at the same time critical pedagogy poses a series of important and often-ignored questions such as: What is the role of teachers and academics as public intellectuals? Whose interest does public and higher education serve? How might it be possible to understand and engage the diverse contexts in which education takes place? What is the role of education as a public good? How do we make knowledge meaningful in order to make it critical and transformative? How do we democratize governance?     

Obama and the ‘Arab Spring’: desire,hope and the manufacture of disappointment. Implications for a transformative pedagogy

For a period, in the run up to the election (2007–2008) and the months after the election, the name ‘Obama’ signified hope for millions, not just in America but across the world. As the hope turned to disappointment, the financial crisis deepened and the Arab Spring renewed a call for a ‘humanity’ that could transcend the differences of nations and faiths. What can be learnt from such events about the pedagogies of hope, disappointment and public action? Are there lessons for a transformative pedagogy, an education that could underpin and continuously create the conditions for a politics of freedom and social justice? A range of print, broadcast and digital/Internet news media is analysed to explore the political/rhetorical/pedagogical strategies already set into play that ‘manufacture disappointment’ in order to undermine and negate the transformative, transgressive symbolic significance of ‘Obama’ and thus manage the theme of change to reassert the same.     

Power Plays: Problems With Empowerment in a Critical Pedagogy

In response to a Critical Notice published in these pages by Roberts (Vol. 32/1,2001), this article notes several specific reservations with regard to Shor's model of empowerment as outlined in When Students Have Power (1996). The original book documents one critical educator's attempts at negotiating power in a college classroom setting. While respecting Shor's bold efforts to craft a liberatory pedagogy, the author draws attention to specific inconsistencies and shortfalls in both the theory and practice described. The article offers a critical examination of problematic features of Shor's classroom practices and research methodology, in addition to concerns with both substantive and stylistic elements of his written account.     

Logics,rhetoric and ‘the blob’: Populist logic in the Conservative reforms to English schooling

A lot has been written about the lasting implications of the Conservative reforms to English schooling, particularly changes made by Michael Gove as Education Secretary (2010–2014). There is a lot less work, however, on studying the role that language, strategy and the broader political framework played in the process of instituting and winning consent for these reforms. Studying these factors is important for ensuring that any changes to education and schooling are not read in isolation from their political context. Speeches particularly capture moments where intellectual and strategic political traditions meet, helping us to form a richer understanding of the motives behind specific reform goals and where they fit into a political landscape. This article analyses speeches and policy documents from prominent politicians who led the Conservative education agenda between 2010–2014 to illustrate how politicians mobilised a deliberate populist strategy and argumentation to achieve specific educational goals, but which have had broader social and political implications. Concepts from interpretive political studies are used to develop a case analysis of changes to teacher training provision and curriculum reform, illustrating how politicians constructed a frontier between ‘the people’ (commonly teachers or parents) and an illegitimate ‘elite’ (an educational establishment) that opposed change. This anti-elite populist rhetoric, arguably first tested in the Department for Education, has now become instituted more widely in our current British politics.     

浅析教学环境中的教学效应

教育教学过程中的言行会引起教育教学的反应和效果,称之为教育教学效应.研究教育教学的效应,对我们改进教育教学工作有积极的作用和意义.     

中日历史教育学研究之我见

本文仅从学术研究的角度，比较了当今中日两国在中等学校历史教育学方面的研究状况。大致从研究体系、内容和方法三个方面作了评述。本文不过多地涉及历史教育认识论等深层次问题，是希望我们能够首先对“学科教育学”的研究概念和范围，有个清晰认识。述文中较多地指出了我们的研究弱点，目的也在于引“他山之石”来攻琢“吾邦之玉”。     

Sexuality education: how children of lesbian mothers ‘learn’ about sex/uality

Sexuality is something that children experience from an early age. It may be a cause of individual concern and anxiety, but is seldom, if ever, deconstructed at any stage of a child's education. Institutionalized fear and misunderstandings of Section 28 (1988) have effectively removed discussion of sexuality, homosexual or otherwise, from the English school curriculum. This structural silence on sexuality is all too frequently repeated at home. In this article I interrogate how children from lesbian parent households ‘learn’ about sexuality, looking at the effects of their parents' (homo)sexual orientation on their ‘sexuality education’. I consider how sex education is taught in schools; what children traditionally ‘learn’ about sexuality. I then look at whether sexuality education is any different for children from lesbian parent families; whether these children have greater sexuality knowledge, and, if so, how this has been ‘learnt’. I suggest that it may be the ambient presence of sexuality—as both a topic of conversation and mothers' unspoken sexual identity—that means lesbian parent families offer a distinctive form of sexuality education. This article draws on empirical research on sexuality and lesbian parent families with lesbian parent families who lived in the Yorkshire region, UK.