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1.
通过分析弗吉尼亚·伍尔夫的女性文学文本(包括《一间自己的房间》、《达洛卫夫人》,《到灯塔去》),提出“食政治”的女性主义理论,并指出同“性政治”一样,“食政治”既是一种压迫女性的政治,同时也是一种女性借之获得自身解放的政治。 相似文献
2.
Jane Martin 《Gender and education》2005,17(2):143-163
This article tells the stories of four middle class, white, English women whose participation in educational policy making is little known: Annie Leigh Browne (1851–1936), Margaret MacDonald (1870–1911), Hilda Miall‐Smith (born 1861) and Honnor Morten (1861–1913). In doing so, it provides a perspective on the circumstances that enabled or encouraged or compelled women’s political mobilization in the socially divided Victorian city. Working through local government, voluntary societies, women’s organizations and settlement houses they operated at the margins of high politics and yet were self‐consciously redrawing the imagined boundaries of political terrain. Combined, their stories suggest the power of female networks to challenge a landscape of male public space within a matrix of specific local circumstances and cultural politics. The paper uses the creation and presentation of stories about the self across a range of social and cultural practices, both public and private, to situate the women as public moralists. They had strong commitments to ‘doing good’, which they combined with a feminist agenda. The author suggests past women’s political initiatives raise contradictory issues that still leave contemporary feminism uncertain and confused. 相似文献
3.
Elizabeth Mary Grierson 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2019,51(7):731-743
AbstractMichel Foucault showed by his genealogical method that history is random. It comprises sites of disarray and dispersal. In those sites, Simone de Beauvoir wrote philosophy through lived experience of woman as Other in relation to man as the Absolute. Here lies a fecund site for revisionist analysis of female cultural production and its relevance to a philosophy of education. The paper works with a feminist approach to the politics of knowledge, examining textual and political strategies in the recording of history and the ‘othering’ of women through dominant cultural discourses. Infusing this discussion is a feminist politics of interrogation on cultural change for women. The paper investigates contributions of women to fields of art, politics, education and philosophy, and to the ways their contributions have been considered, received, positioned. Different approaches to feminism become apparent in the different conditions of knowledge under discussion. This leads to a final consideration of feminist challenges in context of the politics of neoliberalism as it seeks to identify a feminist potential for ‘a cleansing fire’. The interventions in this paper trace political strategies and challenges for a philosophy of education to keep the momentum of feminist histories and issues to the forefront of scholarly enquiry and political/social action. 相似文献
4.
June Purvis 《Gender and education》1994,6(3):319-327
It is argued that present‐day definitions of education that focus upon educational forms, such as schools, further education, universities and adult education, have little relevance for the educational experiences of the majority of women in the past. To illustrate this point, the article explores the ‘education’ of women in a major political grouping in Edwardian Britain, namely the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) which, as a militant women‐only organisation, became the most famous of all the groupings campaigning for the enfranchisement of women. The WSPU offered its women members the opportunity to invade and enter the male sphere of politics. Thus, in its early years, members learnt a political role through peaceful means of campaigning, such as heckling politicians, carrying petitions to parliament, public speaking and writing to the press. Later, after many years of such protesting, when the government refused to yield on the issue of women's enfranchisement, more militant roles were adopted by a minority of the membership. These ‘guerilla activists’ engaged in activities such as the large‐scale breaking of windows, vandalising art treasures and setting fire to empty houses. For many of these WSPU women, their participation in the feminist movement was the educational experience of a lifetime, that far outshone any more formal schooling that they might have received in schools, adult education or colleges. 相似文献
5.
Beth Douthirt Cohen 《Gender and education》2012,24(7):689-705
In 2005, a feminist educational organisation in the USA for young women, ages 14–21, adopted a policy in order to clarify their target constituency of girls and young women. The policy defined ‘girls and young women’ not as a designation associated with fixed biological sex, but instead as a self-determined identity label creating an explicit policy of inclusion to gender non-conforming students, including transgender youth, who self-identified as ‘girls’ or ‘young women’. This article traces the series of influences that prompted the development of the policy, as well as the learning curves for this feminist educational all-girls’ community, and the discussions that led to both the unanimous adoption of the policy and a subsequent larger cultural shift within the organisation. This analysis seeks to add to an understanding and exploration of policies that address the de facto exclusion of gender non-conforming, intersex, and transgender youth from gender-based educational settings. 相似文献
6.
June Purvis 《Gender and education》2008,20(1):81-87
In this article, a biographical overview is offered of the life of [Estelle] Sylvia Pankhurst (1882–1960), suffragette, political activist, artist and writer, in order to provide a context for her 1959 proposal for an Ethiopian women’s college, which is published for the first time in this journal. Sylvia, one of five children born in Manchester, England, grew up in a radical household where she not only attended political meetings but was exhorted to work for a more equal society. As a young woman, she trained as an artist but was soon drawn into the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) founded by her mother in 1903 to campaign for the parliamentary vote for women. Sylvia, a socialist feminist, often found herself at odds with the radical feminist, women‐centred views of her mother and her elder sister, Christabel, the Chief Organiser of the WSPU and their mother’s acknowledged favourite. The tensions between Sylvia and her relatives intensified during the First World War which they supported and she opposed. During the 1920s she became more revolutionary in her politics and in the 1930s increasingly involved in campaigning against fascism, especially in Ethiopia. After Ethiopia was liberated, she went to live there permanently with her son, Richard, in 1956. A crusader all her life, as well as a prolific writer, the publication of her proposal for an Ethiopian women’s college reveals yet another aspect of her diverse interests. 相似文献
7.
Martin Mills 《Gender and education》2000,12(2):221-238
In recent times the neologism ‘boyswork’ has surfaced in Australian educational discourse. The term usually refers to programmes which are introduced into schools specifically for boys. Such programmes may represent either a backlash politics, which argues that schools no longer cater to the needs of boys, or a (pro)feminist politics, which contends that the creation of a more just society will entail boys acknowledging and acting to undermine their privileged positioning within existing gendered relations of power. The former politics emphasise the importance of having male teachers working with boys and suggest that many of the problems associated with boys, for example, their behaviour, can be remedied through attempts to empower boys by improving their self-esteem. This article provides a profeminist response to these arguments and draws on interview data obtained from teachers and boys in two Australian State High Schools were (pro)feminist boyswork programmes were conducted on the issue of ‘gender and violence. It is argued here that men do need to be working with boys on gender issues. However, this is not because men can do this work better than women, but rather because men have a responsibility to challenge the existing gender order. One way in which male teachers can do this is by exploring with boys the relationships between dominant forms of masculinity and violence. The article also argues that whilst this exploration should be conducted respectfully, the empowerment of boys should not be the focus of such programmes. 相似文献
8.
Kate Pritchard Hughes 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(3):214-230
This article offers an overview of the field of feminist education, epistemology and pedagogy. It examines the variety of streams of feminist thought in these areas including socialist, radical, cultural, liberal and postmodern feminisms. In doing so, it engages with some of the most influential writings in the field from the last 12 years and looks at the relationship between feminist education, feminism as a whole, and poststructuralist social theory and postmodernism. The article goes on to discuss epistemology and Foucauldian notions of knowledge and power hierarchies and asks whether feminism accepts notions of ontology in relation to women. In the final section, feminist pedagogy is discussed in relation to other streams of critical or radical pedagogy; is Women's Studies in universities the most productive place to devote feminist energy to? Can Women's Studies be considered part of radical education when it necessarily operates within an institution which arguably operates to ‘domesticate’ women and valorizes traditional, or patriarchal, epistemology? It concludes by exploring an educational environment, or methodology, which has the potential to be more productive for both students and educators interested in the liberatory possibilities of education. 相似文献
9.
Nelly P. Stromquist 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1990,11(2):137-153
This article is an attempt to apply a systematic use of theory to gender inequalities in education. It expands on the tenets of liberal, radical, and socialist feminist perspectives to account for differential gender outcomes in terms of educational access, attainment, and field of study choices. The State emerges as a key actor regulating and promoting educational processes and outcomes, and the perspective that most accurately captures the State's practices is socialist feminism. There has been a recent convergence in feminist thought toward the meshing of ideological and material elements in the explanation of women's subordination, bringing closer than ever the radical and socialist feminist perspectives. These perspectives detect severe limits in the State's ability to improve women's conditions while groups outside the State, particularly women‐run organizations, are identified as the most likely sources of significant educational change and thus social change, in the interests of women. 相似文献
10.
《History of education》2012,41(1):9-24
This article looks through the lens of the gendered politics of historical writing at the main forms and direction of scholarship on gender in History of Education since its publication. It discusses how social, women’s, feminist and gender history has been treated in the journal and how developing approaches around the body, space, materiality, and the construction of the archive, are informing the production of new knowledge around gender. The article argues that History of Education has contributed to ways in which gender has been imagined in historical reconstruction and analysis. As the gendered politics of history has been treated in the journal, gender analysis has contributed to the development of history of education as discipline. The article concludes that in re-writing and re-theorising traditional educational history, the radical openness of the future of gender analysis lies in the continuing transformation of gender analysis itself. 相似文献
11.
南希·弗雷泽立足于女性主义理论和实践的历史与现实,对全球化、多元化时代的女性问题进行了新的思考,给女性解放定位了再分配、承认与代表权的新坐标;她图绘了在公共领域和全球范围寻求女性解放的新框架,同时指出了女性参与协商对话和元民主制度化的女性解放新路径。弗雷泽的女性主义思想走向了反思和建构,实现了女性主义理论研究范式的突破和女性解放实践目标的新导向,探索和借鉴其女性主义思想中的全球化视角和制度化方法并进行本土化研究将对中国女性解放大有裨益。 相似文献
12.
Amanda Keddie 《Gender and education》2010,22(4):353-368
This article presents the stories of two Australian feminist educators, ‘Kath’ and ‘Kim’. Drawn from a small‐scale interview‐based study, the stories highlight these women’s struggles to mobilise progressive spaces within the current boy‐focused equity and schooling agenda. Such struggles are located within the new possibilities for feminist intervention enabled by current educational trends in Australia. The stories focus on Kath and Kim’s experiences leading the professional development of teachers from several schools in Queensland (Australia) as part of the $19.4 million national initiative, Success for Boys. The article draws on feminist understandings of ‘progressive’ spaces and highlights the requisite conditions necessary for mobilising such spaces. In particular, Kath and Kim’s stories bring to light the powerful role emotions continue to play in both enabling and constraining gender reform and the continued significance of attending to, and working with, such emotions to enhance the pursuit of gender justice in schools. 相似文献
13.
AÍDA Hurtado 《International journal of qualitative studies in education》2013,26(2):215-225
In her article "The substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen: Examining an endarkened feminist epistemology in educational research and leadership," Professor Dillard delineates a set of proposals for the study of educational inequity. Professor Wright in his response, "An endarkened feminist epistemology? Identity, difference and the politics of representation in educational research," comments on Professor Dillard's proposals and furthers her analysis by an integration of the cultural studies literature. The author enjoins this conversation in this article by reviewing the proposals by feminists of Color to further social justice in solidarity with Professor Dillard's analysis. In particular, feminists of Color are examined, expanding the definition of "data" to include artistic production such as poetry, personal reflections, and autobiographical essays. The integration of spirituality as it relates to secular teaching is another innovation proposed by various writers. Feminists of Color have also chosen to construct theory and a political agenda for achieving social justice rather than only engaging in intellectual debates that deconstruct existing paradigms. Professor Dillard is part of a cadre of feminist writers who advocate radical changes in the academy to eradicate educational inequity. 相似文献
14.
This article explores the feminist politics of the National Union of Women Teachers (NUWT) between 1910 and 1930. It argues that the Union was as much a part of contemporary feminism as educational trade unionism. The feminist teachers were conscious of the effect of the State on their lives and saw their enfranchisement as a way of obtaining a voice in the educational and political arena. The article explores their development as equal rights feminists in the 1920s and indicates the relevance of much of their educational and political views for modern feminists. 相似文献
15.
《Ethnography and Education》2013,8(3):323-337
The feminist post-structuralist emphasis on social location has yielded crucial insights within debates about power and reflexivity in educational research; however, spatial location is also at play in the formation of educational ethnographies. Reflecting upon various aspects of a research project with rural students in Ontario, Canada, this paper explores three key elements of what I call the geography of ethnography. These include: (1) the spatial politics involved in constructing a research ‘site’; (2) the shifting location of the ethnographer in research practice; and (3) the liminal space of the focus group. Anchored in specific interactions in ‘the field,’ the paper demonstrates how integrating insights from cultural geography and feminist post-structuralism can yield new ethnographic understandings. I argue that educational ethnographers need to better account for the geography of ethnography in order to attend to the power-laden sphere of ethnographic research. 相似文献
16.
Within an Australian context of diminishing opportunities for equitable educational outcomes, this paper calls for teacher engagement in a ‘politics of resistance’ through their focused gaze in relation to the ways in which they are positioned in their everyday practice. Our belief is that the resultant knowledge might equip teachers to see more clearly the managerial and economic rationalist discourses that constrain them in their pursuit of more equitable educational outcomes. Through the interpretative lenses of feminist poststructural theory, the paper presents snapshots of the practice of three Australian teachers. These snapshots, along with an analysis of them, highlight pedagogy as a political activity that is partial, interested and potentially oppressive. It is not argued that reflection alone will challenge inequities in educational outcomes for the diverse range of students, but that teacher interrogation of practice might better position teachers to exert their voices and take action in the challenging and complex times associated with neo‐liberal reforms. The politics of resistance argued for here proposes an awareness and action beyond the micro‐politics of the classroom to alliances that work towards transformation of inequities within economic and social power relations. 相似文献
17.
National gender equity and schooling policy in Australia: Struggles for a non-identitarian feminist politics 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Amanda Keddie 《The Australian Educational Researcher》2009,36(2):21-37
This paper tracks the development of gender equity and schooling policy in Australia from theNational Policy on the Education of Girls in 1987, to current policy concerns with boys’ educational underperformance. The paper’s key focus is on the ways in which feminist
informed equity policy has been undermined by broader imperatives of economic rationalism and anti-feminist discourses. Drawing
on Nancy Fraser’s understandings of distributive and cultural gender justice and her notion of a nonidentitarian feminist
politics, the paper critically examines the ways in which such imperatives have re-articulated equity and schooling concerns.
Through these lenses, the limitations of the affirmative gender binary politics and remedies that have dominated gender and
schooling reform in Australia are highlighted. The paper concludes with an illumination of the gender justice spaces currently
being mobilised in Australian schools. Such spaces, it is argued, fostered within a context of increasing autonomy and self-management
for schools, are providing avenues for creative and disruptive (pro)feminist activism. 相似文献
18.
Assurance of citizens’ social rights and minimization of social differences have been central tenets that have framed the educational policy of Finland and the other Nordic welfare states. Equality has been on the official agenda in educational politics and policies since the comprehensive school reforms of the 1960s and 1970s. However, the conceptualization of equality has fluctuated, reflecting the political climate in which the policy statements have been created. In this article, we analyse Finnish curricular documents concerning upper secondary education from the 1970s to the 2010s in order to find out how the aims of educational equality are presented. Drawing on different conceptualizations of equality and social justice, as well as feminist theorizations of intersectionality, we scrutinize how gendered, classed and ethnised patterns are emphasized, challenged or muted in documents. Through the longitudinal data of this study it is possible to analyse the growing impact of this neo-liberal educational restructuring into Finland, which has a reputation for equal education and excellent records in the Programme for International Student Assessment tests. Hence, we ask how the Finnish society as an imagined community is reflected in the documents of different decades. 相似文献
19.
本文从女性主义角度出发,运用当代女性主义批评理论,解读康拉德中篇小说《黑暗的心》。通过分析马洛话语下的女性形象,在父权思想占统治地位的社会,女性只能作为男性的附庸,或者被边缘化。作品中展现的性别政治观点,折射出作者康拉德受父权思想的影响,在性别的建构和人物的塑造问题上,塑造了二元对立的女性形象,体现了他的性别歧视。 相似文献
20.
Jane Wilkinson 《Journal of educational administration and history》2008,40(2):101-112
An emergent strand within mainstream educational leadership scholarship is an engagement with notions of diversity. This is part of a belated recognition that in an increasingly globalising world the largely masculinist, white norms from which most accounts of leadership derive, lack sufficient explanatory power for educational systems. Utilising critical, black and Indigenous feminist work on the recognition of difference, as well as recent feminist scholarship deconstructing diversity discourses in educational leadership, this article outlines the origins of the key diversity discourses from which the educational leadership field draws. It then analyses recent articles on diversity and educational administration, noting how the various diversity discourses have been taken up and the subsequent implications for educational leadership theorising and practices. It concludes by arguing that critical feminist research about the politics of difference, amongst others, provides an important body of scholarship from which to develop self‐reflexive and nuanced engagements with notions of diversity and leadership. 相似文献