Two cultures: the use and non-use of hypotheses in cultural policy research1

In the hard sciences research programmes are designed to generate evidence consistent or inconsistent with particular hypotheses. Hypotheses unsupported by evidence are modified or abandoned. The framers and testers of scientific hypotheses are members of the same profession, similarly trained and likely to interpret evidence in similar ways. They have professionally generalized responsibility for the quality and integrity of each other's work. Peer review systems are in place to monitor performance and expose chicanery. This is not the case in the cultural policy research arena. Here, policymakers, arts advocates and academic policy analysts are breeds apart. Their professional affiliations and lines of accountability are radically unlike. We have highly selective “advocacy” evidence on the one hand; highly developed but untestable academic theory on the other, suggesting the hypothetical existence of evidence for which academics are not allowed to look. Policymakers avoid “what if?” questions because they are paid to maintain positions of certainty. Academics ask, but lack the data to answer. Neither approach is satisfactory for shaping the future. This paper explains how the two opposing research traditions came into being and points to some of the problems which poor communication between theoreticians and practitioners can create.     

Hyperinstrumentalism and cultural policy: means to an end or an end to meaning?

This paper investigates the implications for cultural policy of the logic of the instrumental view of culture taken to its conclusion. Policy developments that establish sets of justifications and rationales that have nothing to do with the cultural content of the policy concerned, but which arise from a deliberate realignment of policy frameworks, establish a form of hyperinstrumentalism. With hyperinstrumentalism the focus on outcomes and the ends of policy means that cultural policy is only as important as the ends to which it is directed. As such, hyperinstrumentalisation demonstrates the consequences for the sector of conditions where claims about the value of culture are irrelevant to political actors. The paper questions whether sense can be made of this shift as a coherent and strategic political choice, rather than as a simple assault on culture. The case of Northern Ireland’s Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure is used to illustrate this. The authors question whether hyperinstrumentalism undermines the justification for an autonomous domain of cultural policy.     

Is It Time for a Sixth Dimension of Multicultural Education?: Resistance and Praxis in Challenging Times

The impact of the election of a new U.S. president and his far right ideology and agenda has reverberated across the entire world. This new reality calls for all critical equity-seeking educators; multicultural, social justice, culturally responsive, and others to be reflective and engage in deep thinking on ways to respond. Within a framework of advocacy and resistance, drawing on lessons of the past, my own experiences and research, this article offers some practical suggestions that others hopefully can build on. It seeks to connect a critical multicultural education framework to identifiable practices in schools and communities that challenges neoliberal approaches to education; xenophobia, racism, and other forms of structural oppression; argues that the actions and practices of multicultural educators must be explicit and generative in ways that make theory usable.     

The right to evacuation: the self-determined future of post-Fukushima Japan

Abstract

Since the Fukushima disaster in March 2011, rights advocacy has been gaining traction in Japanese politics. This paper argues for the rationale that led to the current legal development in post-Fukushima Japan—the Nuclear Disaster Victims' Support Act, which emphasizes the right to evacuation—and presents the grassroots struggle against public authorities. The right to evacuation is the right of citizens to avoid exposure to radioactivity by allowing victims—in this case, the victims of Fukushima—to choose their living location, whether that means permanently evacuating to a new area, returning to their original homes after evacuation, or remaining where they are (i.e., not evacuating). In any of these situations, necessary support from the government is guaranteed. I claim that while the right to evacuation represents a vision about how people in Fukushima can choose to survive and develop their own self-determined future, it requires a set of tools to achieve it. As such, this paper also argues the ways in which Japanese civil society groups play a significant role in helping bring the grassroots voices of people in Fukushima to the law-making process, as well as actual implementation. Advocacy to achieve such a fundamental human right is gradually progressing and moving away from the perception of being merely a criticism of government; rather, advocates are presenting alternatives and giving government a chance to change itself.     

Popular Politicians: The Interaction Between Politics and Popular Culture in the Netherlands, 1950s–1980s

ABSTRACT

From the late 1950s onwards, the Netherlands witnessed a transformation of the emotional codes of politics. A culture of political leadership marked by notions of duty and restraint, made way for self-expression and authenticity. This article argues that the interaction between the spheres of politics and popular culture played a vital role in this transformation. The practices and discourses of popular culture became a significant part of the repertoire through which politicians articulated representative claims. The article traces how politicians negotiated their interaction with popular culture, started to cultivate a private persona and eventually turned into political celebrities.     

Arts and Economic Prosperity III: a review

Americans for the Arts published Arts & Economic Prosperity III: The Economic Impact of Nonprofit Arts and Culture Organizations and Their Audiences in May 2007. Americans for the Arts is a non-profit organization in the USA that aims to advance the arts by creating opportunities for all Americans to participate in and appreciate the arts. This is the third economic impact study of the sector undertaken by Americans for the Arts, the first two studied activity in 1992 and 2000 respectively. This review examines the wealth of data made available and the claims made for the economic impact of the non-profit arts and culture sector in the USA. The Arts & Economic Prosperity study concluded that the non-profit arts and culture industry generated $166.2 billion of economic activity and supported 5.7 million full-time equivalent jobs in the USA. The review raises concerns about the methodologies employed to both capture and interpret the data, in particular the reliance on gross figures rather than net flows and the lack of consideration of opportunity cost. In conclusion, it questions the degree of utility of the study given its heavy promotion as a tool for advocacy by Americans for the Arts.     

Review of Scottish Arts Council's Quality Framework – guidelines for arts organisations (2nd ed.), 2009

The Scottish Arts Council's “Quality Framework” was launched in 2007 as a continuous improvement toolkit. It provides a flexible framework for arts organizations to evaluate the impact of funding decisions. Developing tools that allow organizations to demonstrate their impact provides robust information to further build the evidence base for the cultural sector. The second edition (2009) has been revised after evaluation and consultation with arts organizations and Scottish Arts Council staff. Taking this approach and gathering further evidence is an important step in the lead up to Creative Scotland (which is the newly established creative arts funding body within Scotland). Continuous improvement tools not only gather evidence but can improve work practices. The Quality Framework should be viewed in the context of the National Performance Framework, as gathering outcome evidence will also assist in the production of Local Authority Single Outcome Agreements. This review also looks at the Unified Quality Improvement Framework, an over-arching tool that will assist local authorities and other service providers to evaluate the quality of their culture and sport provision. Evidencing sector information such as arts activity will be an important part of this process. The Quality Framework is a tool to gather outcome-based evidence that will show how culture can contribute to a variety of policy objectives.     

Accounting for quality: arts evaluation,public value and the case of “Culture counts”

Arts policy has a longstanding relationship with the concept of “quality” and the ways in which organisations measure, evaluate and account for it. Culture Counts, an evaluation system and digital platform, compiles data from standardised evaluation surveys of different stakeholder groups – organisations, audiences, critics, funders and peers – and provides the means to compare and triangulate data in an accessible format. As a result, it claims to provide a more effective, democratic tool for quality measurement of art, which demonstrates the public value of funding [Department of Culture and the Arts, & Knell, J. (2014). Public value measurement framework: Measuring the quality of the arts. Perth: Department of Culture and the Arts.]. Through qualitative research with two consortia of organisations involved in Culture Counts pilot projects in Manchester, England and Victoria, Australia, we explore these claims, comparing the reception and promotion of the system in both countries and considering its potential incorporation into policy assessment frameworks and adoption within arts organisations’ existing evaluation capacities.     

Resisting Assimilation: Deliberate Acculturation by the American English Language Learner

Education policy has historically been viewed as having an influential part in crafting the roles of immigrants in American society. However, while policy makers continue to push their own agendas on English language learners (ELLs), ELLs continue to push back to create their own sense of what it means be an American. This article analyzes how formal and informal language policies have historically driven the instruction of ELLs and argues that despite attempts to enculturate and/or assimilate ELLs into American schools through strict English instruction, students employ a variety of cultural resources to act agentically in their acculturation.     

Power Distance and Facework Strategies

The literature argues that in global business communication the concept of “national culture(s)” is becoming obsolete because globalization leads to cultural convergence. This article argues that “national cultures” are not obsolete in global organizations. Two focus group interviews were conducted in a global corporation using folk perceptions as a framework. Employees were asked to discuss their work practices and agreed that uniform standards could not be used across cultures. The article concludes that, despite globalization, we do not see evidence of cultural assimilation in global employees’ work practices, but rather that stereotypes of national cultures are used to provide orientation.     

Research on multiculturalism in Canada

Canada announced a policy of multiculturalism in 1971. The goal of the policy was to improve the quality of intercultural relations. Two main elements of the policy were proposed as steps towards achieving this goal: support for the maintenance and development of cultural communities (the cultural component); and promotion of intercultural contact along with the reduction of barriers to such participation (the intercultural component). Research on these issues can provide a basis for the development and implementation of multiculturalism policies and programmes. A review of psychological research on multiculturalism over the past 40 years is summarised. Topics include: knowledge about the multiculturalism policy; acceptance of multiculturalism; acceptance of ethnocultural groups; acceptance of immigrants; discrimination and exclusion; and attachment and identity. Research assessing three hypotheses derived from the policy is also briefly reviewed. Current evidence is that there is widespread support for these features of the multicultural way of living in Canada. Of particular importance for the success of multiculturalism is the issue of social cohesion: is the first component (the promotion of cultural diversity) compatible with the second component (the full and equitable participation and inclusion of all ethnocultural groups in civic society)? If they are compatible, together do they lead to the attainment of the fundamental goal of attaining positive intercultural relations? Current psychological evidence suggests that these two components are indeed compatible, and that when present, they are associated with mutual acceptance among ethnocultural groups in Canada. I conclude that research in Canada supports the continuation of the multiculturalism policy and programmes that are intended to improve intercultural relations.     

100 Voices after 100 years: Remembering the Armenian Genocide in diaspora

ABSTRACT

Relying on Marianne Hirsch’s work on postmemory, as well as theories about new media and memory, this study explores how a group of Armenian young adults in Toronto remember the Armenian Genocide from afar, 100 years after it happened. The data come from 100 Voices: Survival, Memory, Justice. Through a thematic and visual analysis of a sample of video clips posted on YouTube, this study argues that 100 Voices is a work of postmemory that stands at the intersection of prevailing ethno-nationalist constructions of Armenian identity on the one hand, and universal discourses of human rights and historical justice, on the other. Participants are positioned as the Armenian youth, performing a particular duty of memory to remember the genocide and transmit genocide memories to future generations. At the same time, 100 Voices enables these youths to emerge as activists who express their group-based claims through universal parameters of claim-making.     

Is the postwar state melting down?: an East Asian perspective on post-Fukushima Japan

Prime Minister Abe’s return to power in Japan dealt a blow to the anti-nuclear movement and returned the country to broadly pro-nuclear policies. Meanwhile, eight years on, although the effects of the Fukushima disaster are still being felt, Japan’s anti-nuclear movement has struggled to move forward or effect changes in policy. This article argues that prospects for change will not emerge until Japan’s anti-nuclear movement is able to look beyond its national borders and articulate a perspective on nuclear power that takes into account other countries within East Asia. The 3.11 Great East Japan Earthquake revealed heretofore hidden aspects of the Japanese state and society. The truth is that Japan’s postwar state (Sengo-kokka) is actually a nuclear power state (Genpatsu-kokka), a byproduct of the US-Japan alliance under the East Asian Cold War system, which insulated nuclear policy from the standard operation of democratic politics. As a product of the Cold War, the issue of nuclear power and development extends beyond Japan’s national borders and relates to the questions of US superpower sponsorship and the armistice system in East Asia that pertain broadly to the politics of East Asia. It is important to understand that Japan’s nuclear energy is a product of the Cold War in East Asia, and the armistice system that constitutes the international system in East Asia must be discarded if Japan is to become a post-nuclear energy state.     

Closing a window on the world: Convergence and UK television services for schools

‘Closing a Window on the World: convergence and UK television services for schools’ is about the proven value to UK schools of the two free television services provided by Channel 4 and the BBC, and a serious threat to their future.

The first part of the chapter discusses the first ‘revolution in learning’, based on the development of television as a ‘window on the world’ for UK schools since the 1960s. Research evidence for the very positive teacher attitudes to their use of the services in the 1990s is cited.

The second part begins by discussing a BBC consultation exercise undertaken in the autumn of 2000, seeking support for a policy decision to develop a new ‘digital curriculum’ for schools. Recent research into the effectiveness of such technologies is reviewed. While schoolchildren enjoy using ICT (and especially video components it may include), there is as yet no firm evidence to support the confident claims being made for its effectiveness in promoting learning.

The chapter concludes that the BBC decision to begin the rundown of its ‘traditional analogue’ television service for schools is premature. At a sensitive time for public service broadcasting, it threatens the future of free services teachers have used and respected for many years. Without government action to include relevant provision in forthcoming broadcasting legislation, UK schools seem likely to lose this distinctive and valued support for their work and their ICT resources are also likely to be impoverished.     

Imperial Plots? Shugborough,Chinoiserie and Imperial Ideology in Eighteenth-Century British Gardens

This article examines the place of the Chinese House (c. 1748) at Shugborough, Staffordshire, within the context of the mid-eighteenth-century craze for chinoiserie architecture in British gardens, and within the longer history of Sino-British encounters more generally. Drawing on evidence from published and archival sources, it argues that the expression of imperial ideology manifest in the garden at Shugborough represents an exceptional case for the period, during which more nuanced and ambivalent attitudes towards Britain's expanding presence in Asia generally prevailed. Attention is drawn to the need to locate the specific social settings of art objects within their wider historical contexts.     

Include Us Out—Economic Development and Social Policy in the Creative Industries

While Government claims about the UK as a ‘global creative hub’ continue to be made (Purnell, 2005), the contradictions and tensions in New Labour's policy in the creative industries have become more apparent. These include the tensions between a set of policies for global media businesses versus the support for small firms in local economic development (Gilmore, 2004; Hesmondhalgh & Pratt, 2005), and the tension between citizens and consumers in media and cultural policy (Hesmondhalgh, 2005). Equally apparent are the tensions between economic development of these sectors and social inclusion. In the UK, arguably more than other countries, the rhetoric of Creative Industries has been tied into political ideas about the links between economic competitiveness and social inclusion. The stated aims for creative industry development have thus been twofold—to increase jobs and GDP, while simultaneously ameliorating social exclusion and countering long-standing patterns of uneven economic development. Research, however, suggests that supporting the creative industries is, at best, a problematic way of tackling the issues of economic and social exclusion. The effects of gentrification on creative industry working and living space (Evans & Shaw, 2004); the patterns of informal hiring and career progression in these sectors (Leadbeater & Oakley, 2001) and the concentration of much economic activity in London and the South East, all suggest that the development of these sectors might exacerbate rather than address patterns of economic inequality.     

Measuring the Size and Concentration of Business Funding of Culture in the UK: Closing the Gap between Advocacy and Theory

In the past few years, UK public bodies have increased their calls for cultural leaders to diversify even further their funding sources and exploit the dynamics of the mixed-economy. So far only major cultural organisations in London have been able to successfully diversify their funding portfolio. A drop in public funding is likely to make it even more challenging for a large proportion of cultural organisations to close their income gap. To ensure the successful development of policies of funding decentralisation and inform organisational strategies, more theory-based empirical research on trends, drivers and motivations, and models of funding sustainability is needed. One of the many factors preventing the development of this line of research is a wide gap between research conducted for advocacy purposes and academia in the UK. This paper illustrates the extent and implications of this gap by providing a brief summary of the academic literature in the field and reviewing methods and results of existing data collection efforts by advocacy organisations, in particular the Private Investment in Culture survey by Arts & Business UK (A&B). The scope of this paper has been limited to business funding in the form of cash and in-kind sponsorship, donations and membership, since there is relatively more cross-sectional time series data and academic and advocacy studies of this form of funding than of individual giving and trust and foundation support. The paper proposes recommendations on ways of closing this gap, in particular by improving existing sampling methodology for this type of data collection and expanding and strengthening the existing academic research on motivations, market dynamics and concentration of business funding.     

Interpreting the Cultural Revolution politically

Abstract

This essay reviews the recent work of three sociologists, Andrew Walder, Alessandro Russo, and Joel Andreas, on factionalism in the Chinese Cultural Revolution (CR). To varying degrees, all three authors under review question the dominant sociological interpretation of CR factionalism, which directly links factional allegiance to objective class position, and they each attempt to develop a political interpretation instead. Politics, however, is understood differently by the authors. Walder argues that, through attending to the ‘event sequence’ of the CR in which factionalism emerged, factional politics can be de‐linked from the sociological base to which it is usually tied. Russo, influenced by the work of Alain Badiou and Sylvain Lazarus, argues that the factionalism of the CR should be linked to the emergence of a subjective ‘political sequence’ and not to the pre‐existing structural organization of Chinese socialism. Unlike Walder, for whom mass politics seems to be firmly identified with elite intra‐party power struggle, for Russo a space between elite power struggles and the pluralization of mass political organizations allowed a genuine subjective politics to emerge. Joel Andreas employs Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of political and cultural capital in order to study the development of CR factions in the Qinghua Attached Middle School and Qinghua University, painting a complex political and sociological understanding of factionalization. These works not only offer reinterpretations of the CR itself, but also help to generate interesting questions about the political relationship between the present and the 1960s, both in China and globally.     

Racial discrimination and forms of redress in the military

Since passage of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, employers have been required to eliminate race as a criterion for virtually all job decisions. Because of a series of legal rulings, however, the U.S. military has more or less been exempt from complying with the requirements of Title VII. The reason for this exemption has been the prevailing belief that the ability to address grievances to civilian courts would undermine the discipline necessary for accomplishment of the military mission. Such an assumption is unsupported by empirical evidence. Uniformed military personnel who feel they are victims of racial discrimination must use the military justice system, which provides less protection for the individual. This paper argues that allowing uniformed military personnel access to civilian courts for redress of Title VII grievances may improve military morale and efficiency.     

Understanding arts audiences: existing data and what it tells us

Increasing public engagement with the arts is a core part of Arts Council England's mission. It is also a key objective of the Department of Culture, Media and Sport. The need for evidence based policy in this area has led to the production of a number of new data sources, including the commissioning of the Taking Part survey, an in-depth survey of how people in England attend and participate in the arts, and the “arts debate”, a wide-reaching programme of qualitative research and consultation into people's attitudes to the arts and their funding. This article examines the benefits and pitfalls of the different kinds of data available, and what these new sources of evidence add to policy makers' understanding of how people engage with the arts in England. In particular, it explores how findings from the arts debate complement and build on the quantitative findings from Taking Part, and what implications this has for future research priorities.