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1.
The article is about the writing of a political theorist, Hannah Arendt, on the subject of education. The two major themes of her work (the concept of public and private worlds and the idea of renewal) are described and related to educational questions. Two forces which help the educator to avoid conservatism or utopianism are the variety of mankind and the artist's and scientist's vision. The influence of these thoughts on the teacher's task is then studied with particular attention to Arendt's notion of responsibility. Other implications for educators are the understanding of the school as a social institution, implications for curriculum planning and the relationship between education and society. The essay ends by setting out Arendt's resolution of the paradox of preparing children with assurance for an unpredictable future.  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

Dissatisfied with the Western tradition of political philosophy, Arendt maintained a tension between the political, which she associates primarily with the freedom to act, and the philosophical, which she associates principally with the activity of thinking, throughout her works. Whilst Arendt's work is underpinned by a focus on political action, her work on the thinking/non-thinking dichotomy is of significant educational value. Taking a broadly phenomenological approach, and reading Arendt through an educational lens, this paper seeks to demonstrate how the thinking/non-thinking dichotomy and the perils of ‘non-thinking’ reveal the wider dangers of instrumentalism and the performative models of education that accompanies it. It is suggested here that Arendt's work exposes ‘non-thinking’ as a form of instrumental thinking, which is not only a threat to the development of the capacity for critical thought but also to the development autonomy and the capacity for moral judgement.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

In this paper, I explore the educational significance of the work of Hannah Arendt through reflections on four papers that constitute this special issue. I focus on the challenge of reconciling ourselves to reality, that is, of being at home in the world. Although Arendt's idea of being at home in the world is connected to her explorations of understanding, such understanding should not be approached as a matter of sense making, but in terms of ‘eccentric judgement’. For judgement to be eccentric, we must expose ourselves to otherness, which has to do with friendship if we understand friendship as a public rather than an entirely private matter. While political judgement requires a ‘being in the presence of others’ Arendt's views on thinking and its role in moral judgement indicate the necessity of solitude, of being alone with oneself. Rather than seeing this a process through which one calls oneself into question, I highlight the importance of the experience of being called into question, which I understand as the experience of ‘being taught’. I conclude that the educational significance of Arendt's work particularly lies in this link with teaching, and less so in notions of learning, reflection and sense making.  相似文献   

4.
In a number of more recent studies, it has been argued that an increasingly presentistic temporal regime has emerged in educational politics since the 1970s. Against this backdrop, with Sweden as an exemplar, the purpose of this study is twofold. Firstly, it serves to elaborate on how this presentist temporal logic in the educational field appears to be entwined with a specific form of equality, which I will refer to as imaginary equality. Arguing that it is motivated to conceive of these two—the tendency of presentism and the imaginary equality—as one problem complex, I maintain that the politico‐temporal order that has emerged since the 1970s runs counter to democracy as a regime for enhancing political freedom. In light of this, the second purpose is to delineate a politically more dynamic way to tackle education as a politico‐temporal challenge. I argue that Hannah Arendt's reflections on the role of education and her idea of the world offer ways to address the problem which calls into question the tenacious and with modernity concomitant division between traditionalism and progressivism. I maintain that we, by cutting across this division, open up for more viable ways of tackling education as a politico‐temporal challenge.  相似文献   

5.
Free speech jurisprudence is caught between crediting the First Amendment rights of students when they resemble adults or restricting such rights when students seemingly act as children. In Morse v. Frederick (2007), the Supreme Court ruled against Joseph Frederick and his “Bong Hits 4 Jesus” banner because Frederick's speech seemed valueless as an adult act, as it lacked any discernible political value. In this essay, Neil Dhingra uses Hannah Arendt's thought to argue that schools should not be interpreted as political spaces but as social spaces where educational authorities should exercise forbearance as students such as Frederick learn to exercise their free speech rights. In particular, students will practice their First Amendment rights by exposing and exploring the discrepancy between appearance and reality, through dark forms of humor, and in forming different types of friendship, all of which schools are unlikely to be able to manage or interpret. Recognizing these unruly and quasi‐humorous forms of First Amendment practice helps make sense of Frederick's banner. Dhingra argues that in order to create space for students to develop freely — that is, without being subject to excessive scrutiny or succumbing to the danger of conformity, or both — schools should show a wide but not unlimited tolerance to speech like that of Frederick, which may otherwise be dismissed as childish and valueless “gibberish.”  相似文献   

6.
In this essay, Christiane Thompson addresses the question of evaluative practices, particularly student evaluation of teaching (SET), and their effects with respect to pedagogical relations in the university setting. In the first part of the essay, Thompson draws on Michel Foucault's analysis of power to show how university teaching has come to be defined according to notions of obligation, accountability, and assurance. The forgetfulness of pedagogical relations that results from the increasing use of SET prompts Thompson to rethink the significance of pedagogical relations in the second part of the essay. Referring to the notion of “educational authority” and Foucault's framework of power, Thompson argues that education is about the continuous re‐institution of pedagogical relation to the other. In the final section, Thompson reflects upon the professor's “authority” in terms of constituting a “community of inquiry”: specifically, the seminar is interpreted as a pedagogical setting that implies a different “being‐with” than SET suggests. She concludes by considering what possibilities and limitations the seminar setting offers and how we can discuss this issue (by means of evaluative practice).  相似文献   

7.
(Action) is frequently a taken-for-granted aspect of educational action research. Proponents often focus on how research will benefit educational practice without explaining what is meant by educational practice or action. Here, the author reverses that emphasis: exploring his interest in how different conceptions of action lead to diverse relationships with research. He uses Arendt's tripartite division of human action into labour, work and action to show how each version of practice involves a different link to theory, knowledge and research. Educational labour research focuses on finding better means to achieve predetermined ends and educational work research concentrates on developing new ends. Arendtian educational action research, however, attempts to use research to understand how human freedom might be exercised in dialogue with others. The argument is illustrated with examples drawn from his own practice and from articles in one issue of Educational Action Research.  相似文献   

8.
This essay critiques the infection of the curriculum with the concerns of the adult political community, treating successive generations of children as if they were responsible for changing the world and that education was the vehicle. Such impulses are, in part, the result of a failure to consider childhood as a particular, liminal, space rather than a refraction of the public spaces of the agora. The drive to see education as a vehicle and schools as the site of political change is not confined to the ideological obsessions of Right or Left; both may be considered culpable. Here I illustrate the normative problem through the particulars of a number of socio-political challenges faced by ‘the World’, and in each case show why it is inappropriate to treat the school and education as the solution. Rather than teaching children how to solve the challenges of the agora, I suggest that what we in actuality do, is teach them the art and artifice of deferral and procrastination because we have failed to assume responsibility for the world. Drawing on Arendt's insights on natality, I suggest that schools should be spaces of ‘qualified’ shelter and that students should not be exposed to the harshness of political choice, nor should teachers merely act as a surrogate for political interests irrespective of their provenance or driving imperative.  相似文献   

9.
In this essay, Duck‐Joo Kwak draws on Hannah Arendt's concept of judgment in exploring what it means to teach the humanities as a form of values education in a postmetaphysical age. Arendt's concept of judgment is closely related to Ciceronian humanism, which is concerned with the wisdom to choose one's company while appreciating this pursuit itself, among men, things, and thoughts from the past and present. According to Arendt, this wisdom as a form of judgment can be generated from a unique form of thinking via understanding. Thus, the main focus of this essay is on Arendt's explication of two distinct forms of humanistic thinking, which can be characterized as critical and interpretive, respectively. The educational virtue of humanistic thinking lies in its avoidance of both authoritarianism and nihilistic constructivism, both of which are problematic in the context of postmetaphysical contemporary culture, while also holding the potential to help young people find good company as a way of expanding the boundaries of intersubjectivity in their selfhood.  相似文献   

10.
Scholars have celebrated the spoken word in King's “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” but they have overlooked the significance of the Letter's writing. In this essay I closely read King's act of writing the Letter, along with the figures of speech he employs in it, and I show how both—by enacting the mass media's ability to cross contexts—are essential to King's political strategy of nonviolent direct action, as well as to the Letter's argument against segregation—an argument that, before the fact, follows the steps we have since come to associate with deconstructive analysis.  相似文献   

11.
Educational theorists frequently invoke rights claims to express their views about educational justice and authority. But the unyielding nature of rights claims presents a significant quandary in democratic contexts, given the tension between rights claims and majoritarian democracy. Educational theorists have given limited attention to this tension, while political theorists tend to sideline education in their analyses. In this essay Anne Newman addresses this gap by advancing a democratic rationale for educational rights. Newman's purpose is to provide a framework for advancing educational rights that protects these rights from the whims of majoritarian politics. Her central argument is that the importance of educational rights warrants giving democratic bodies far less deference than they are typically accorded. Yet the assertion of a right to a quality education, Newman emphasizes, should not be viewed as an undue constraint on democratic authority but rather is consistent with and required by the values that underlie democracy.  相似文献   

12.
Hannah Arendt's essays about the 1957 crisis over efforts of a group of youth, the “Little Rock Nine,” to desegregate a high school in Little Rock, Arkansas, reveal a tension in her vision of the “public.” In this article Aaron Schutz and Marie Sandy look closely at the experiences of the youth desegregating the school, especially those of Elizabeth Eckford, drawing upon them to trace a continuum of forms of public engagement in Arendt's work. This ranges from arenas of “deliberative friendship,” where unique individuals collaborate on common efforts, to a more conflictual “public stage,” where groups act in solidarity to change aspects of the public world. While Arendt famously asserted in her essay “The Crisis in Education” that political capacities should not be taught in schools, it makes more sense to see this argument as focused on what she sometimes called the conflictual “public stage,” reflecting the experience of the Little Rock Nine. In contrast, Schutz and Sandy argue that Arendt's own work implies that “deliberative friendship,” as described in her essay “Philosophy and Politics” and elsewhere, should be part of everyday practices in classrooms and schools.  相似文献   

13.
This article takes up Arendt's ‘aporetic’ framing of human rights as well as Rancière's critique and suggests that reading them together may offer a way to re‐envision human rights and human rights education (HRE)—not only because they make visible the perplexities of human rights, but also in that they call for an agonistic understanding of rights; namely, the possibility to make new and plural political and ethical claims about human rights as practices that can be evaluated critically rather than taken on faith. The paper contributes to ongoing discussions about the need for a renewal of HRE by suggesting that the paradoxes of human rights—such as the disparity between the reality of the human condition and the abstract ideal of human rights—can be politically and pedagogically invigorating by rethinking human rights in agonistic terms and formulating more robust practices of HRE.  相似文献   

14.
Interrogating the White Paper 3 of 1997 which upholds academic freedom, institutional autonomy and public accountability, I make the case for justice through higher education using public accountability. I argue that the higher education system in South Africa is capable of fulfilling such a role in the context of extreme injustices but not without a critical engagement of the extent and causes of these injustices and an understanding of their implications for academic curricula, practices and deeply embedded conceptions of knowledge. A redefinition of higher education institutions' public accountability in terms of responsibility to their ‘institutional locale’ or community (the populations whose needs they should be meeting) can be an effective ‘proactive tool’ with which higher education can redress social injustices. This requires an interrogation of the social, political and economic conditions of possibility that either inhibit or aid educational desire and attainment. An investigation of this nature entails a rigorous reappraisal of all three of the key principles within which higher education systems operate—academic freedom, institutional autonomy and public accountability—if they are to guard against the continued perpetuation of epistemic and social injustices.  相似文献   

15.
The author provides a critique of the current campaign promoting well-being and mental health in UK schools. The paper focuses on the unintended consequences of aligning with a medical model of understanding mental health which include concerns about ignoring ecological factors and, to some extent the social construction of individual mental health. The author considers the relevance of Arendt's notion of being at home in the world, (Arendt, 1994), as understood in the context of Biesta's educational commentary, (Biesta, 2017). Finally, the author argues that the current frame of reference for mental health intervention is insufficient in meeting the challenges facing the next generation of students.  相似文献   

16.
EDUCATION,SCHOOLING, AND CHILDREN'S RIGHTS: THE COMPLEXITY OF HOMESCHOOLING   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
By blurring the distinction between formal school and education writ large, homeschooling both highlights and complicates the tensions among the interests of parents, children, and the state. In this essay, Robert Kunzman argues for a modest version of children's educational rights, at least in a legal sense that the state has the duty and authority to enforce. At the same time, however, it is important to retain a principled distinction between schooling and education—not only to protect children's basic educational rights, but also to prevent the state from overreaching into the private realm of the home and family.  相似文献   

17.
18.
In this essay, David Waddington and Noah Weeth Feinstein explore how Dewey's conception of science can help us rethink the way science is done in schools. The authors begin by contrasting a view of science that is implicitly accepted by many scientists and science educators — science as a search for truth — with Dewey's instrumentalist, technological, and nonrealist conception of science. After demonstrating that the search‐for‐truth conception is closely linked to some ongoing difficulties with science curricula that students find particularly alienating, they then analyze some of the educational opportunities that Dewey's vision opens up. Ultimately, Waddington and Weeth Feinstein argue that Dewey offers a humble and humanistic vision of science and science education practice that captures the power of science by connecting it clearly to everyday human activities and challenges.  相似文献   

19.
要素主义教育思潮正在美国当前的教育改革中扮演着主导者的角色。文章考察了美国当代要素主义的主要代言人之一切斯特.费恩的教育思想和行动,着重探讨了其有关课程的标准与测验、教师资格认证制度、校长职权、选择和责任、教育平等等方面的主张,展示了当代要素主义者的基本思想动向。  相似文献   

20.
This ethnographic study attempts to define English and French cultural and educational values in primary school. It is maintained that pupil attitudes to education are derived from pupils' sociocultural backgrounds and that pupil attitudes predispose pupils to learning. Pupils interpret both what and how they learn through the medium of the culture to which they belong. English and French educational values are identified through classroom observation, teacher discourse and pupil perceptions. The comparative approach allows the contrastive characteristics inherent in each country's culture to emerge. It is argued that pupil understanding of such educational values as authority, thought or 'la pensee', control over learning and educational goals and how to achieve them are related to national culture and that they have an effect on pupil motivation. The paper is both an example of and an exploration into how culture may affect learning. It suggests that cultural values are more significant for learning than pedagogical styles as it argues that underlying educational values give meaning to styles of pedagogy.  相似文献   

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