Why sexual abuse? An exploration of the intergenerational hypothesis

The issue of sexual abuse in the family backgrounds of offenders and mothers of victims is explored in a clinical sample of 154 cases of intrafamilial sexual abuse. More than a third of the offenders and about half of the mothers had experienced or been exposed to sexual abuse as children. Cases were divided into those where the sexual abuser was the biological father in an intact family, those where he was a stepfather or mother's live-in partner, and those where he was a noncustodial father. In biological father cases, parents were about equally likely to have experienced sexual abuse during childhood, in the stepfather/live-in partner cases, the mother was more likely to have had such an experience, and in the noncustodial father cases, the offender was more likely to have come from a sexually abusive family.     

Intrafamilial sexual abuse: brother-sister incest does not differ from father-daughter and stepfather-stepdaughter incest

OBJECTIVE: Three groups of girls who were sexually abused (by either brothers, fathers, or stepfathers) were compared. The purpose was to identify the differing characteristics of the abuse, the family environments, and the psychosocial distress of these children. METHOD: Seventy-two girls aged between 5 and 16 were assigned to one of the three groups. Subjects were matched between groups on the basis of their actual age. Children completed measures of traumatic stress; their mothers completed the Child Behavior Checklist-Parent Report Form (CBCL) and other self-report questionnaires on family characteristics. Workers in child protective services completed information regarding the nature and severity of the abuse. RESULTS: Results suggested few differences in the characteristics of sexual abuse between the three groups. However, penetration was much more frequent in the sibling incest group (70.8%) than in the stepfather incest (27.3%) or father incest (34.8%) groups. Ninety percent of the victims of fathers and brothers manifested clinically-significant distress on at least one measure, whereas 63.6% of stepfather victims did. Compared with father and stepfather perpetrators, brothers were raised in families with more children and more alcohol abuse. CONCLUSIONS: The authors conclude that the characteristics of brother-sister incest and its associated psychosocial distress did not differ from the characteristics of father-daughter incest These findings suggest that theoretical models and clinical practices should be adjusted accordingly and that sibling incest should not necessarily be construed as less severe or harmful than father-daughter incest.     

A review of the long-term effects of child sexual abuse.

The existing literature on the long-term sequelae of child sexual abuse is reviewed. The evidence suggests that sexual abuse is an important problem with serious long-term sequelae; but the specific effects of sexual abuse, independent of force, threat of force, or such family variables as parental psychopathology, are still to be clarified. Adult women with a history of childhood sexual abuse show greater evidence of sexual disturbance or dysfunction, homosexual experiences in adolescence or adulthood, depression, and are more likely than nonabused women to be revictimized. Anxiety, fear, and suicidal ideas and behavior have also been associated with a history of childhood sexual abuse but force and threat of force may be a necessary concomitant. As yet, there is insufficient evidence to confirm a relation between a history of childhood sexual abuse and a postsexual abuse syndrome and multiple or borderline personality disorder. Male victims of child sexual abuse show disturbed adult sexual functioning. The relation between age of onset of abuse and outcome is still equivocal. Greater long-term harm is associated with abuse involving a father or stepfather and abuse involving penetration. Longer duration is associated with greater impact, and the use of force or threat of force is associated with greater harm.     

Psychosocial antecedents of variation in girls' pubertal timing: maternal depression, stepfather presence, and marital and family stress

Drawing on Belsky, Steinberg, and Draper's evolutionary theory of the development of reproductive strategies, we tested a model of individual differences in girls' pubertal timing. This model posits that a history of psychopathology in mothers results in earlier pubertal maturation in daughters, and that this effect is mediated by discordant family relationships and father absence/ stepfather presence. The model was supported in a short-term longitudinal study of 87 adolescent girls. In the primary test of the model, it was found that a history of mood disorders in mothers predicted earlier pubertal timing in daughters, and this relation was fully mediated by dyadic stress and biological father absence. In families in which the mother's romantic partner was not the biological father, dyadic stress accounted for almost half of the variation in daughters' pubertal timing. Stepfather presence, rather than biological father absence, best accounted for earlier pubertal maturation in girls living apart from their biological fathers. We propose that stepfather presence and stressful family relationships constitute separate paths to early pubertal maturation in girls.     

Outcome of abuse during childhood among pregnant low income women

The outcome of experiencing abuse as a child was studied by comparing pregnant women who did recall versus those who did not recall this type of maltreatment. Fourteen hundred low income women were interviewed in prenatal clinic; those who said they were both punished by abuse and beaten by caretakers as children were considered abused. Abuse was recalled by more white than black women but families were followed after delivery and protective service reports of abuse for their offspring were equal. Because of low numbers, black subjects were dropped and the 95 white women who recalled abuse during childhood were compared to the remaining 832 white subjects. The groups did not differ in attitude about current pregnancy, age or marital status, and no differences were found for their children at birth. Abused mothers were more likely to have felt unwanted and unloved as children and to have lower self-images and more isolation than controls. Abused mothers had greater stress, and many of their stresses reflected disturbances in interpersonal relationships. Thus, women abused as children had some characteristics similar to those of known child abusers. Although abused women had more aggressive tendencies, their children were reported to protective services for abuse at the same frequency as control children. Intergenerational transmission of abuse was therefore not demonstrated prospectively. Classic theories of child abuse suggest a special child, special parent and stress act as independent agents to cause abuse. The above data suggest, alternatively, that abuse during childhood may lead to other risk characteristics and to greater stress. These may act together to increase risk for abuse. The special child may have an independent influence on abuse.     

Teachers' perceptions of behavior problems in children from intact,single-parent,and stepparent families

This study examined differences in the incidence of behavior problems between children living with both natural parents and those in single-parent or in stepparent families. Subjects were 3,644 white children in kindergarten through eighth grade; 2,991 were living with both of their own parents; 312 with mother only; 43 with father only; 264 with mother and stepfather; and 34 with father and stepmother. Teachers provided background information and Behavior Problem Checklist ratings on the youngsters. Compared to children from intact homes, those living with mother only had more problems checked on all five scales of the checklist; those with father only, more Socialized Delinquency; those with mother and stepfather, more Conduct Problems and Socialized Delinquency; and those with father and stepmother, more Conduct Problems. Interactions were found for sex, social class, and grade in school.     

Professionals' adherence to mandatory child abuse reporting laws: effects of responsibility attribution, confidence ratings, and situational factors

This study investigated the relationship between responsibility attribution and tendency to report child sexual abuse among practicing psychologists. Two hundred ninety-five licensed psychologists from two states completed vignettes in which the sex of the child and the father's admission or denial of alleged sexual abuse were systematically manipulated. Subjects assigned relative percentages of responsibility to the father, mother, child, and society for the abuse and indicated their tendency to report and their level of confidence that abuse was occurring. Results indicated a significant effect for responsibility to the mother which varied as a function of the father's response to the allegation of abuse. Mothers were blamed significantly more for the abuse when the father denied being abusive. Responsibility attribution did not predict reporting, while confidence in the occurrence of abuse did. Also, sex differences were found among participants where male subjects assigned significantly more responsibility to the abusive father than female participants, and the females blamed the mother more than the males. Results are discussed in the context of previous research on responsibility attribution in child abuse.     

Characteristics of victims and perpetrators of intrafamilial sexual abuse

BackgroundIntrafamilial sexual abuse (SA) is one of the most traumatic experiences a person can experience and comes with lifelong effects. Considering the increase in the number of children in orphanages due to intrafamilial SA in Turkey, addressing this problem in more detail is crucial. For this reason, this study aims to determine the characteristics of intrafamilial SA cases.MethodIn this study, the characteristics of 216 intrafamilial SA cases who were referred to the Ankara Child Advocacy Center between 2010 and 2015 were analyzed retrospectively. The ages of the victims varied between 3 and 17.ResultsThe most common identity of the perpetrator was the biological father (50%), biological sibling (14.4%), stepfather (13.9%), and parent’s boyfriend (12%). Of the perpetrators, 6.5% were female and 93.5% were male. Of the victims, 3.3% had a history of pregnancy. In addition, one out of four victims (27.3%) had experienced physical violence from their parents, the socioeconomic level of the majority of the families (90.2%) was low, the education levels of their parents were low (high-school-level education and below), and one of two families (52.6%) experienced domestic violence. Furthermore, the perpetrators in the biological intrafamilial SA group exhibited similar behavior with the sociolegal group in terms of penetration, and the age distribution of the victims was similar.ConclusionsConsequently, this study has revealed a lot of new information about intrafamilial SA cases. These findings will hopefully be useful in identifying and preventing victims at risk for intrafamilial SA.     

Risk factors in the sexual victimization of children

In response to an anonymous questionnaire survey, 19% of the women and 9% of the men in a population of 796 normal college students said they had been sexually victimized in the course of childhood. The majority of these children were victimized by men within their intimate social network, not strangers. Most children did not tell anyone about the experience.Certain groups of children were at higher risk of victimization than others. More girls from lower-income groups were victimized; also those from socially isolated backgrounds. Girls from stepfather families were five times more vulnerable than the others. If a girl had ever lived without her mother, or if her mother had substantially less education than her father, or if her mother was particularly punitive about sexual matters, a girl was at higher risk for sexual abuse.These risk factors could be combined into a checklist which illustrates their cumulative effect. Over 50% of girls with four or more risk factors suffered a victimization. However, care must be taken not to see in this high vulnerability cause for blaming the victims for their own victimization.     

Childhood abuse recollections in a nonclinical population: forgetting and secrecy.

OBJECTIVE: This study investigated the relationship of interrupted memories of childhood abuse with the secrecy of the abuse. METHODOLOGY: Fifteen hundred people were randomly selected from the membership of the American Counseling Association and sent a questionnaire regarding childhood abuse history. Four hundred and twenty-three usable questionnaires were returned and analyzed. RESULTS: Thirty-two percent of the sample reported childhood abuse. Fifty-two percent of those reporting abuse also noted periods of forgetting some or all of the abuse. On the two survey items assessing secrecy, 76% of respondents reporting childhood abuse indicated there had been a time when no one but themselves and their abuser knew about the abuse; 47% indicated that an abuser tried to get them to keep the abuse secret. Forty percent endorsed both secrecy items. Respondents who reported forgetting abuse also reported one or both elements of secrecy more frequently than those who reported continuous memories of abuse. CONCLUSION: These findings are consistent with those of other studies that suggest that, among adults reporting childhood abuse, the experience of forgetting some or all abuse is common. Secrecy of the abuse appears to be associated with the experience of forgetting childhood abuse for many individuals.     

The process of incest: Biologic father and stepfather families

This article compares incest between biologic fathers and their daughters and stepfathers and their stepdaughters. The term "incest" is applied to each of these types of families. The sample for the study was located in a mental health treatment facility designed to work specifically with incestuous families and includes 102 cases (56 stepfather families; 46 biologic father families). The data were obtained by interviews with the four primary program therapists. Differences in sexual behavior between the two groups indicated that biologic fathers more frequently engaged in full intercourse, more frequently involved multiple daughters and more frequently began the sexual activity when their daughters were adolescents than did stepfathers. Possible explanations of the differences are explored.     

The effects of child sexual abuse in later family life; mental health, parenting and adjustment of offspring

OBJECTIVE: To investigate links between child sexual abuse (occurring before 13 years), later mental health, family organization, parenting behaviors, and adjustment in offspring. METHOD: The present study investigates a subsample of the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children an ongoing study of women and their families in the area of Avon, England. A sample of 8292 families met inclusion criteria for identifiable family type and completed self-report data on prior sexual assault. Further data were collected on life course variables, socioeconomic variables, psychological well-being, relationship quality, parent-child relationship quality, and children's adjustment. RESULTS: After adjustment for other childhood adversity, prior child sexual abuse was associated with a range of outcomes in adulthood, including current membership of a nontraditional family type (single mother and stepfather) poorer psychological well-being, teenage pregnancy, parenting behaviors, and adjustment problems in the victim's later offspring. The relationship of child sexual abuse with aspects of the parent-child relationship in later life and with the offspring's adjustment difficulties were mediated in part by mother's mental health--chiefly anxiety. CONCLUSION: Findings indicate that child sexual abuse has long-term repercussions for adult mental health, parenting relationships, and child adjustment in the succeeding generation.     

The sexual victimization of male children: a review of previous research

The evidence available at this time indicates that male children are more likely to be abused by nonfamily rather than family members. Residing in a neglectful home or a mother-headed household and having previous homosexual contact tend to heighten risk for sexual abuse by nonfamily members. Familial sexual abuse appears related to residence in a home where other siblings are being abused, where the father was a victim of sexual abuse as a child, and where parents suffer myriad personal and social adjustment difficulties. Effects of male child sexual abuse appear to be serious and long lasting. The scant writings available at this time imply that the sexually abused male child experiences a range of adjustment and self-esteem problems as an adult and may be at heightened risk to become a child sexual abuser.     

The murder of children by fathers in the context of child abuse

OBJECTIVE: This study examined the backgrounds of fathers who fatally abuse their children and the contexts within which these homicides occur. The type of relationship between victim, perpetrator, and the victim's mother was a particular interest. METHODS: Data were gathered from 26 cases of fatal child abuse perpetrated by fathers derived from the wider Murder in Britain study. Quantitative and qualitative data were collected from extensive prison case files of men serving life sentences for child murder. RESULTS: This was a group of undereducated, underemployed men with significant criminal histories. All except one victim had been subjected to previous violence by the offender, almost three-quarter of whom had also perpetrated violence against their intimate partners (the child's birth mother). Many men had unreasonable expectations and low tolerance levels of normal childhood behaviors, and many appeared jealous and resentful of these young children. All 26 victims were under 4 years of age. Sixty-two percent of the offenders were stepfathers and in only four cases was the perpetrator a birth father married to the birth mother. Stepfathers had more disrupted and disadvantaged backgrounds and experiences than birth fathers. CONCLUSIONS: Findings suggest that fathers who perpetrate fatal child abuse have a propensity to use violence against children in their care and intimate partners, raising questions about the gender dynamics and generational boundaries operating in these families. The nature and type of intimate relationship (whether married or cohabiting) and fathering relationship (whether birth or de facto) were important differentiating factors in these homicides as well as characteristics of the offender. PRACTICE IMPLICATIONS: Professionals working in child protection strive to provide effective services to children and families, ever vigilant to the possibility of the death of a child as a consequence of an assault. By and large, fathers (either biological or de facto) as the perpetrators of such assaults have received minimal attention in both policy and practice. Findings from this study suggest that practitioners need to be cognizant of men's attitudes towards and expectations of fathering (particularly stepfathering) which may present increased levels of risk to both children and intimate partners.     

“His body is human,but he has a tiracchāna heart”: An ethnographic study of the epigenesis of child abuse in Cambodia

In Cambodia, more than half of all children experience physical, emotional, or sexual abuse. This article examines how Cambodians view the causes and effects of child abuse and analyses its underlying cultural forces. Adopting a conceptual framework originally developed for the cultural context of violence against women, 110 cases of child abuse were ethnographically studied, comprising 61 cases of sexual abuse (50 girls and 11 boys), 26 cases of physical abuse (13 girls and 13 boys), and 23 cases of emotional abuse or neglect (13 girls and 10 boys). The perpetrators included fathers and other close relatives, lay Buddhist officiants and monks, and neighbors. Most informants viewed the sexual or physical abuse of children as stemming from “cultural attractors,” including blighted endowment caused by deeds in a previous life, a bad character starting early in life, astrological vulnerability to abuse, preordained entanglement between the child and the abuser (they are “fated” to meet), sexual craving, “entering the road to ruin,” and a moral blindness that portrays the abuser as blameless. Although these traits are similar to those identified in the explanations of violence against women, there were notable differences such as the role of the tiracchāna in explaining sexual abuse, including incest. Using these findings, this article identifies a cultural epigenesis of child sexual abuse, and provides a blueprint for developing a culturally responsive plan to prevent child abuse.     

Fatal child abuse in Georgia: the epidemiology of severe physical child abuse

Decisions about the occurrence of child abuse are increasingly difficult to make because concepts of what qualifies as reportable child abuse may be broadening. We examined this question by comparing 51 fatal child abuse cases occurring in Georgia between July 1975 and December 1979 to non-fatal cases and to the Georgia population. Overall rates of fatal child abuse were higher for male perpetrators compared with female and black perpetrators compared with white. However, the latter finding varied with economic and geographic status. The highest child abuse fatality rates were found in poor, rural, white families (3.3/100,000 children) and in poor, urban, black families (2.4/100,000 children). Risk factors for fatal abuse included early childhood (RR 6:1), parental teenage childbearing (RR 4:1), and low socioeconomic status. These characteristics were similar to those of the severe child abuse cases noted in the early child abuse literature. Non-fatal cases did not clearly share these risk factors. Severe abuse, here represented by fatal cases, is a distinct subset of reported child abuse, but characteristics associated with it are frequently attributed to all reportable child abuse. Medical personnel should be aware that they cannot rely on the presence or absence of these characteristics in screening for risk of reportable child abuse. Child abuse research should use restricted, stated case definitions. When intervention and prevention programs are being organized, they should not generalize research findings to all forms of child abuse.     

Three theoretical models of child abuse: A critical review

A review of the research on child abuse suggests three basic theoretical models to account for the etiology of abuse: (1) a psychiatric model emphasizing the role of the individual abuser; (2) a sociological model highlighting the role of social factors in abuse; and (3) the effect of the child on caregiver model pointing toward the role the child plays in stimulating his own maltreatment. After reviewing the research evidence in support of each model as well as documenting the inadequacies of each, it is concluded that only a comprehensive framework, subsuming each model, can expect to account for the occurrence of abuse. Furthermore, if treatment and prevention strategies hope to succeed in combatting this disturbing social problem, they must address the influential components highlighted by each of these three models.     

Growing up with parental alcohol abuse: exposure to childhood abuse, neglect, and household dysfunction

OBJECTIVE: This study is a detailed examination of the association between parental alcohol abuse (mother only, father only, or both parents) and multiple forms of childhood abuse, neglect, and other household dysfunction, known as adverse childhood experiences (ACEs). METHOD: A questionnaire about ACEs including child abuse, neglect, household dysfunction, and exposure to parental alcohol abuse was completed by 8629 adult HMO members to retrospectively assess the relationship of growing up with parental alcohol abuse to 10 ACEs and multiple ACEs (ACE score). RESULTS: Compared to persons who grew up with no parental alcohol abuse, the adjusted odds ratio for each category of ACE was approximately 2 to 13 times higher if either the mother, father, or both parents abused alcohol (p < 0.05). For example, the likelihood of having a battered mother was increased 13-fold for men who grew up with both parents who abused alcohol (OR, 12.7; 95% CI: 8.4-19.1). For almost every ACE, those who grew up with both an alcohol-abusing mother and father had the highest likelihood of ACEs. The mean number of ACEs for persons with no parental alcohol abuse, father only, mother only, or both parents was 1.4, 2.6, 3.2, and 3.8, respectively (p < .001). CONCLUSION: Although the retrospective reporting of these experiences cannot establish a causal association with certainty, exposure to parental alcohol abuse is highly associated with experiencing adverse childhood experiences. Improved coordination of adult and pediatric health care along with related social and substance abuse services may lead to earlier recognition, treatment, and prevention of both adult alcohol abuse and adverse childhood experiences, reducing the negative sequelae of ACEs in adolescents and adults.     

A systems approach to child abuse: management and treatment issues

In the systems approach certain patterns of family interaction are seen as fitting with physical abuse towards children in the family. If these interactions are blocked or changed using specific family therapy interventions, the risk of further abuse will be significantly reduced. Identifying typical patterns of interaction that fit with abuse is a useful first step in planning the management of physically abusing families. A full systemic formulation of the presenting problem will address numerous systems and sub-systems simultaneously, notably the family-professional system, the family within the extended family/friendship system, and the nuclear family. Interventions may have to be directed on a variety of these levels. The Marlborough Family Service has assessed and treated over 100 child-abusing families. A family day unit is used as the setting, and a multifamily group as the principle medium of treatment. Within the day unit real life stress situations are recreated around everyday issues, enabling families to find new and nonviolent solutions to the problems of daily life. In the cases seen, approximately one-third have resulted in a recommendation of permanent alternative family care for the children. In those families reunited, the re-injury rate has been found to be extremely low.     

Disentangling life events, stress and social support: Implications for the primary prevention of child abuse and neglect

There is a growing body of literature linking stress and child abuse and neglect, but the relationship is not unambiguously supported by empirical data. Two considerations regarding Garbarino's ecological model of child abuse and neglect may explain this research problem. First, any of the predisposing factors, which are grouped into four levels called individual, familial, social, and cultural, may either positively or negatively affect the potential for child abuse and neglect depending upon the quality of social networks and social supports available to families. Second, these factors operate most importantly, not between the perception of stress and the act of abuse or neglect, but through the interpretation of whether a given life event is stressful or not. This clarification of the ecological model points the way to redefining interventions for the primary prevention of child abuse and neglect. Existing support systems can be strengthened in order to increase a family's ability to cope with untoward events before these become stressful. In addition, advocacy activities which support children and families in general can be major components in the primary prevention of child abuse and neglect.