Trust schools and the politics of persuasion and the mobilisation of interest

This paper sets out the theoretical and methodological approach of a study of the politics of persuasion and the mobilisation of interest in relation to the Trust schools initiative in England. Drawing on the discourse theoretical approach of Laclau and Mouffe the paper argues that the politics of consensus associated with New Labour reconfigures the field of politics, closing down legitimate democratic space. Building on this approach and that of policy sociology the paper outlines how the researchers seeks to address the following questions – if the space for legitimate democratic debate is so severely constrained then how does a social democratic government deal with the kind of opposition that Labour faced in relation to Trust schools? How do governments persuade dissident citizens to support unpopular policies? How are citizens mobilised to support such policies? This also raises questions about how, in such a restricted political space, do those questioning or resisting such policies, engage in the politics of persuasion and the mobilisation of interests? The reconfiguration of the field of politics and what this means for the constitution of legitimate democratic debate is the object of study of the research.     

略论中学政治课的改革与高师政教专业的任务

本文阐述了当前中学政治课改革的历史过程和基本特点,论述了高师政教专业的改革要从服务方向、思想教育、导次设置、教学内容、教学等方面主动适应中学政治课改革的需要。     

The politics of student voice: unravelling the multiple discourses articulated in schools

For almost two decades student voice has been used and enacted in educational settings for a range of purposes. Student voice theorists have framed it in sociocultural, social constructionist and poststructural terms. It has been located in a range of schooling discourses and there have been powerful critiques of instrumentalist uses of student voice. It has been reified for its potential to leverage schooling reform, associated with accountability, governmentality and technologies of control, and also heralded as a process to activate radical collegiality in educational settings. This article investigates how school leaders from Aotearoa/New Zealand discursively locate the complex and contested construct of student voice in their schooling settings. Drawing data from principal interviews, discourses inherent in school leader comments are analysed to consider the contribution of student voice. A consideration is provided of how young people are ascribed positions as agents in contemporary Aotearoa schools.     

让"主体"主动起来,把"学会学习"落到实处--中学政治课"三自一导"教学改革的实践与思考

中学政治课的“三自一导”教学改革，使教师和学生的角色发生了重大变化，适应社会发展的要求。在政治课教学中，要指导和培养学生自读书、自质疑、自求索的习惯和方法。     

中学思想政治课教学的“精”、“疑”、“活”探讨

中学思想政治学科的素质教育主要体现在知识,能力和觉悟三个方面,“精”,“疑”,“活”的课堂教学方法有助于学生素质的培养,精讲精练是学生掌握知识的基础,从“疑”到“释”地培养学生认知能力的关键,搞“活”教与学是提高学习效率的重要手段。     

中学政治教师工作倦怠现状的调查与分析

工作倦怠产生于长期的工作压力,表现为情绪、态度和行为的衰退状态,将直接导致出现情绪衰竭、去个性化和低成就感,教师是工作倦怠的高发人群。教师身上表现出的工作倦怠对学生的成长和发展有巨大的消极影响。关注中学政治教师工作倦怠的现状、消极影响、产生的根源与措施研究具有现实意义。通过对77名江西省中学政治教师进行的调查,结果表明,中学政治教师普遍存在着一定程度的工作倦怠状况;不同性别、年龄、学校的中学政治教师在情感衰竭层面上存在显著差异。     

理解、交流与学习——建构主义在中学政治课教学中的运用

本运用建构主义的观点，对目前中学政治课教学中的理解、交流与学习进行了反思，认为理解是知识意义的建构，交流是意义的共享与协商，学习是自主体验的过程，并提出了相应的教改思路。     

The politics of gaming in schools: a sociocultural perspective from Western Australia

This paper discusses gaming in a Western Australian school for boys. The overriding ethos of the school is supportive of the potential of ICT to better engage students and deliver enhanced educational outcomes. The school sees game-based design as at the vanguard of innovation, but also accepts its important duty of care responsibilities. Tensions were revealed between the opportunities presented by educational gaming and the perceived problem of managing student distraction, particularly the tendency for students to spend large amounts of time playing games that have little or no educational value. The paper describes the forms of gaming that emerged at the school, considering both their educational impact and propensity to detract from students' opportunities to learn. It is argued that the perceived benefits and risks of gaming are not well understood, and that powerful political forces are at play which shape school policy, teachers' pedagogy, parent perceptions and student actions.     

浅谈网络环境下的中学政治课教学

在网络环境下进行中学政治课教学,有利于学生开展探究性学习,培养创造性思维;有利于拓展中学政治课的教学内容,让学生能接触到更多的社会信息;有利于增强教学的弹性,对学生实施个性化教学;有利于增强师生的角色互动性,充分体现学生的主体地位和发挥教师的主导作用.     

论消费主体、消费客体与消费目的之扩张

我国《消费者权益保护法》并没有对"消费者"概念作出一个明确的定义,从这个不完整的"消费者"概念中透析出的消费客体、消费主体与消费目的三个方面的规定也有失偏颇,由此导致了十几年来的执法和司法领域的混乱。因此,要分别对以上三个方面予以重新厘定,在相关概念领域有所突破和创新。医疗服务、金融服务和商品房买卖等应属于消费客体扩张之行列;消费主体不仅包括自然人个体,还应包括法人等单位;消费目的不仅仅限于生活消费,还应涵盖生产消费。以上内涵性扩张应该是《消法》修订的重要内容,必须首先予以明确。唯有如此,才能在更加合理的意义上实现消费者权益保护的立法目的。     

'Fellow travellers' and 'true believers': A case study of religion and politics in Alberta schools

The topic of religion within public schools has generated interest in several countries in recent years. In Canada, the United States, and England, educational policies favouring greater parental choice in education through grantmaintained schools, Charter schools and voucher plans have renewed parental interest in this area. Alternatively, one might argue that the lobbying by religious parents and others for choice has influenced educational policy. The dynamics of change are not always clear. This paper explores these dynamics through a two-part longitudinal case study in Alberta, Canada. My examination of events over a period of almost twenty years reveals both the micro-politics around religious programming in public schools and the macro-level changes in the policy context between the late 1970s and mid-1990s. This micro-macro approach provides a sense of the impact of local histories on education policies as well as parallels between sites.     

Mobilizing ethnic equality in admissions to schools: Litigation,politics, and educational change

This study explores the impact of litigation on the mobilization of ethnic equality in the admission to Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) schools in Israel, and examines the socio-political mechanisms that have shaped this impact. It uses a case-study approach and draws on an analysis of documents and interviews. The findings confirm the conclusions of other studies regarding the limited ability of courts to produce change in schools by showing that ethnic equality was not mobilized until the Ministry of Education reformed its policy. However, the findings also show that the legal discourse empowered a group of Haredi parents to raise the rights consciousness of other parents and to support them in surmounting barriers that had impeded rights claims. The phenomenon of rights agents exemplifies how ethnic equality in school admission is mobilized in a bidirectional process: top-down judicial rulings empowered Haredi agents, who, in turn, have mobilized rights from the bottom-up to the new appeals committees in the Ministry of Education. The phenomenon also demonstrates the significance of collaborative relationships among lawyers, politicians, and social agents in order to generate social reforms in schools of ultra-religious groups.     

The amoeboid neo-liberalism and the rising state commercialism in education

Recently, the pros and cons scholars of educational marketization all refer to the enormous influences affected by neo-liberalism. Without doubt, it occurs to the related researches that the function and characters of market will create a decisive impact on education development. Nevertheless, according to this authors＇ study, neo-liberalism is not the way as it was, it is because the role of the state has been shifted from shrinking back to swelling out in terms of the ways of manipulating policies. The state is no longer the rolled back actor as a small government following the original neo-liberalism context, but becomes an invisible hand behind serial discourses and standards making. This study has taken England for an example to review the spread of marketization in education, especially under New Labor＇s authority. Context and developed discourses on neo-liberalism are analyzed before examining the related policies in England. The result of the research argues that, though neo-liberalism still firmly wins its high value in running education, it has been through an ingenious change in terms of spreading processes. Under New Labor＇s authority, serial legitimate discourses from public sector were released and formed another new ideology. The boundary of public and private sector of running education, especially in secondary education, has been redefined. This change has turned England into a new type of ＂neo-liberalism＂ territory. Based on the involvement of public sector in manipulating serial privatizations, it reveals the phenomenon of ＂state commercialism＂.     

商业主义对美国中小学校的渗透

近年来，商业主义对美国中小学校的渗透（搦美国的工商业界为了促进产品销售而进行种种广告活动的现象）表现出日益强劲的趋势。本文介绍美国中小学校商业主义渗透状况并分析其兴起和发展原因，探讨商业主义渗透带来的问题和它今后的发展趋势。     

National identity,patriotism and studying politics in schools: a case study in Hong Kong

After reunification with the People's Republic of China in 1997, Hong Kong was turned into a special administrative region. The new government has repeatedly emphasised the development of national identity and patriotism. One of the locations where these issues might be expected to appear is in the teaching of Government and Public Affairs (GPA), an optional subject offered to secondary students aged 15–18. The aim of this paper is to study the perceptions of GPA teachers in order to address two issues. First, how do GPA teachers who teach politics in schools construe ‘national identity’ and ‘patriotism’? Second, do the teachers believe studying politics through the subject GPA can enhance national identity and patriotism among the students? The findings show that the teachers understand national identity and patriotism critically. They insist politics should be taught in a rational way. At the same time, they think teaching politics in a rational way, with no appeal to the emotions as is the current practice, will enhance neither the students' sense of national identity nor their patriotism.     

Urban politics and federal equity policy: Title IX and employment in New York City public schools

The implementation of federal educational equity policies, such as Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, has been beset by numerous difficulties, of a political, legislative, and administrative nature. The paper analyzes these factors as they influenced the effect of Title IX with respect to employment of women in administrative positions by the New York City Board of Education in the period 1972–1981. It concludes that policy design and management, as well as local political alignments, condemned the law to ineffectuality and that they will continue to do so barring other policy formulations and political configurations.     

为学生架起"书本——生活"的桥梁——高中思想政治课生活化教学的实践和探索

高中政治新课标指出:"要注意学科知识与生活主题相结合,恰当运用各模块的基本概念与方法,努力将基本观点、原理融人生活题材之中."要实现这一目标,教师必须使思想政治课教学生活化,为学生架搭起从书本知识迈向实际生活的桥梁.