简论弥尔顿的出版自由思想

弥尔顿的出版自由思想是西方新闻自由观念的源头和基础 ,旗帜鲜明 ,影响深远。本文结合弥尔顿的《论出版自由》一文 ,重点探讨了弥尔顿出版自由思想的产生背景、来源、主要内容、时代特征和影响。     

约翰.弥尔顿的出版自由观念（上）

在世界新闻史上 ,约翰·弥尔顿的名字与出版自由、言论自由是紧密地联系在一起的。人们一般把他看成是争取出版自由的英勇斗士。正是他在３５０年前 ,第一个系统地提出了反对封建专制、维护人类天赋权利的出版自由观念。这种观念为后世报人、学者所继承 ,并被发展成为自由主义报业理论。而这一理论 ,又是１８至２０世纪２００多年间近代资产阶级新闻传播的思想基础。人们都知道这一重要客观事实 ,可是在追溯历史时 ,却没有给予弥尔顿出版自由观念以足够的注意。作者打算就此问题 ,从以下六个方面略作分析。一、弥尔顿生平及著作.弥尔顿是英…     

从神学"真理"到"自由共和"主张:对弥尔顿表达自由观的重释

弥尔顿是自由主义思想史上的核心人物之一,其<论出版自由>被认为是英国表达自由传统的开山之作.但更深入的研究显示,后人对弥尔顿的评价及其表达自南观常常存有诸多误读.本文从奠定弥尔顿表达自由观的理念基础切入,通过将<论出版自由>和<建立一个自由共和国的捷径>置于历史语境中深入解读,尝试对弥尔顿的表达自由观进行修正性的重释.     

弥尔顿《论出版自由》的虚伪性

弥尔顿1644年发表的《论出版自由》是世界上第一个提倡出版自由、反对封建书刊检查制度的著作,也是自由主义理论的基石性著作。弥尔顿也成为西方新闻自由运动和新闻自由思想发展史上的先驱和奠基人。我们在承认其巨大的积极历史意义时,也要批判地看待其观点中的片面性和虚伪性,     

现代中国自由主义新闻思潮的流变

考察现代中国的自由主义新闻思潮大致有以下几个阶段:五四时期,自由主义报刊主要在文化启蒙的立场上形成文化自由主义新闻思潮;20年代,主张报纸按商业化原则运做,在报业经济独立的基础上坚持报纸独立地位的经济自由主义新闻思潮和新闻职业化诉求占了上风;“九一八”至抗日战争时期,自由主义新闻思潮在“救亡”的时代主题中处于低潮;40年代中后期,鼓吹“第三条道路”的政治自由主义新闻思潮达至高潮,但很快走向失败。现代性和现代民族国家的错位与冲突导致自由主义与民族主义、个人权利与国家独立的诉求之间发生碰撞,且后者更具有紧迫性和道义优先性,这是自由主义新闻思潮在现代中国失败的重要原因。     

漏译与误读——再议新闻传播思想史中的弥尔顿问题

我国新闻传播学领域对于弥尔顿和《阿留帕几底卡》的研究,受到多种原因的制约而长期未能深入。翻译方面的疏漏造成了对部分观点的误解和忽视;评价方面的历史错位使我们忽略了弥尔顿的神学认识论;阐释方面的思维定势使我们无视弥尔顿的共和主义色彩。从历史语境的角度重新审视这部经典,有助于厘清自由主义与共和主义的关系。     

《西方自由主义新闻思潮新论》近日出版

国内第一部以西方新闻自由思想为主要研究对象的新闻学专著《西方自由主义新闻思潮》于近日公开出版。该书较为系统地梳理西方自由主义新闻思潮的思想渊源、发生、发展以及变化,从思想史的角度,以史论结合的笔触,广泛运用哲学、政治学、伦理学以及经济学等学科知识,对西方新闻自由思想在不同历史时期的演变进行了深入、系统的分析,特别是深入到不同经典著作家和文献的理论框架内,对西方新闻自由在中世纪至今的各个历史时期、不同理论框架中的内涵、特征以及问题进行了完全学理性的分析和评价,摆脱了以往学界对于西方新闻自由的较为简单的、…     

阐释与语境:弥尔顿影响

长期以来,国内外学术界对弥尔顿和《阿留帕几底卡》进行去语境化的阐释,在高张自由至上主义的同时,抹杀了自由主义的多元性。所谓的"弥尔顿影响"有许多似是而非的成分,从历史语境角度可以获知弥尔顿思想的实际影响和传承路径。通过高度语境化的解读,可以发现弥尔顿与古老的共和主义的关系,这一遗产对今日矫正自由病依然不无启迪。     

法国新闻史断代危机初探

“法国新闻传播史缘何常呈现断代危机?”本文以陈力丹教授在其著作《世界新闻传播史》中提出的这一问题出发,分析指出,有别于英国的渐进演变和中国的舆论宣传动员模式,法国新闻业发展呈现出文化断层、频繁变革和新闻清算的三种断代危机。法兰西民族发展带有的任务式再生观、轻法重权的思维惯性和人文思潮等要素,均从不同层面影响其新闻传播业的发展与演变。法国新闻传播发展史就是一部法国社会结构、启蒙文化思潮和民众思维方式相互作用的历史。     

两种自由的对舞——《大公报》和《观察》所承载的"报刊自由主义"的异同

一 在中国现代新闻思想史上,从张季鸾到储安平,有一条脉络明晰的思想线索,即他们身上的自由主义思想,也有学者称之为"报刊自由主义".自然,报刊自由主义思潮并不是自他们而始.张育仁先生就确认严复才是"中国自由主义运动的思想鼻祖",而胡伟希在他的<十字街头与塔>一书中,也认为"中国近代自由主义运动的真正开创者则是严复".[1]但是,我们也不能否认,张、储二人在报刊自由主义思潮历史中,扮演了重要而不可或缺的角色.     

阿根廷新闻传播事业发展演变的教训与启示

新闻新自由主义议程主张新闻媒体私有化,在外资引进和市场竞争中放松政府管制。阿根廷经历了政府对新闻媒体绝对控制到完全采用新闻新自由主义议程的彻底转变。这种转型给阿根廷社会发展造成了负面影响,也是导致国家危机的因素之一。第三世界国家应该建立符合自己国情的新闻事业发展模式,规避全球化的发展陷阱。     

政治理念·自由主义·民族主义——孙中山新闻思想再评析

本文提出从孙中山的政治身份、政治理念与活动的框架内重新解读孙中山的新闻思想,认为孙中山新闻思想是由英美自由主义、觉醒的民族主义与其政治理念三者杂糅的一种旨在向社会灌输"三民主义"的政治传播理论。并对孙中山新闻思想的缺陷进行了探讨。     

Disciplining the Virtual Home Front: Mainstream News and the Web During the War in Iraq

Considered by many to be the first war of the Information Age, the 2003 War in Iraq provided a unique opportunity for observing how the American mainstream press defined the Web's journalistic value and how it reacted to the competition from alternative online news sources. In an attempt to exert control over the Web as a journalistic space, the mainstream press used rhetorics of “professionalism” to discipline online news seekers into conforming to the definition of “news” favored by the mainstream press. This essay analyzes these tactics and their implications for the Web's journalistic potential, and concludes with a call for a more collaborative online journalism that maintains journalistic credibility while also incorporating a wider variety of perspectives.     

The Validity of Global Press Ratings

This study examines year-by-year correlations between Freedom House and Reporters Sans Frontières' (RSF) press freedom scores for countries over a 13-year period (2002–2014). The goal of the study is to test the hypothesis that, further into the age of digital disclosure, as press abuses and harassment of journalists are more widely reported, press freedom ranking systems are gradually becoming more precise and, therefore, correlations between the two indices will strengthen over time. To further assess concurrent validity of the indices, correlations between both indices and scores on the United Nations Human Development Index are also provided. The study also examines changes in the indices' rankings of countries over time within six world regions: the Middle East and North Africa, the Americas, Western Europe, Eastern Europe/Central Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Asia. In so doing, this study adds a degree of understanding to the validity of two press freedom indices that are routinely cited in journalistic reportage and trade journals, as well as many scholarly publications. Results suggest that the two organizations' scoring of press freedom has become significantly more correlated in the years 2002–2014, and the primary cause of the increased agreement is that RSF's ratings became substantially more aligned with Freedom House's scores during this period. Both indices' ratings are significantly correlated with countries' United Nations Human Development Index scores.     

Differences within the mainland Chinese press: a quantitative analysis

This paper reports the results of a content analysis of five newspapers selected from the Chinese daily press. The research was conducted as part of an international project designed to explore the relationship between journalistic self-conceptions and journalistic practice. This paper reports only upon journalistic practice, in particular the extent to which different models of journalism are present. The results of the analysis demonstrate, firstly, that while the concept of a uniform ‘national media system’ is of some utility in comparative studies, there are, even in the highly structured Chinese case, very significant differences within a single country. Secondly, it demonstrates that the common division of the Chinese press into a politically oriented party press and a market-oriented commercial press is inadequate to explain the identifiable differences between titles in the sample. A four grouping solution fits the data much better and demonstrates that there are newspapers that combine strong evidence of indicators of the party press with strong evidence of indicators of the commercial press. As a consequence, the claim that marketization will necessarily lead to conflicts with the party appears to be mistaken.     

Sexual Harassment in the News: The United States and France

This article documents and accounts for important differences in press coverage of sexual harassment in the United States and France. Compared to French press coverage, American reporting on sexual harassment has been much more extensive and more likely to focus on domestic sexual harassment scandals involving political individuals or institutions. This is attributed largely to the American press greater reliance on business, greater journalistic freedom, stronger traditions of investigative journalism, as well as more inclusive legal definitions of sexual harassment. While silent on French scandals, due to global political realities, the French press has reported extensively on American sexual harassment scandals and has been more dismissive of the problems of sexual harassment and (American) feminist activists when reporting on the United States. This article further analyzes how each press has framed the problem of sexual harassment and how such framing varies by story and over time.     

新闻道德评价主客体构成分析

新闻道德评价是评价主体主要运用一定新闻道德标准对新闻活动主体新闻行为及其新闻道德品质做出道德判断的活动。主要的新闻道德评价主体是相对职业新闻活动主体而存在的非职业评价主体,其核心是作为新闻收受主体的社会公众;而主要的新闻道德评价对象(客体)是职业行为主体的新闻行为、新闻道德品质,不是一般社会主体的新闻行为与品质。     

Press Credentials and Hybrid Boundary Zones: The Case of WorldNetDaily and the Standing Committee of Correspondents

ABSTRACT

Press credentialing practices are a vital, yet understudied site of scholarly research on journalistic norms and practices. Press credentialing not only structures internal professional hierarchies, but they also signify the boundaries of the journalistic field itself. This paper explores the legal and theoretical implications of press credentialing to cover the United States Congress, drawing on the concepts of boundary work and journalistic authority to demonstrate the material impact of the space between fields on professional legitimation in journalism. Using WorldNetDaily (WND) as a case study, I argue that the Standing Committee of Correspondents (SCC) occupies a hybrid boundary zone between the journalistic and political fields, generating a unique tension in First Amendment jurisprudence that places journalists in a paradoxical role as both the professional embodiments of free speech and its constitutional steward. The resulting jurisdictional conflict between the SCC and WND extends the relational model of journalistic authority by articulating how journalist-state relations can fundamentally augment the process of legitimation at its fuzzy boundaries. The relevance and implications for press credentialing practices in the digital age are discussed.     

Beyond the Four Theories of the Press: A New Model of National Media Systems

Work on categorization of national press systems in the last 40 years has been grounded in the well-known Four Theories of the Press. Whereas this approach has been strongly criticized by international scholars for its idealism and its poverty of empiricism, it is still widely taught in introductory journalism courses across the country, and few theorists have engaged in grounding the theory with data in international settings. Although journalism is contextualized and constrained by press structure and state policies, it is also a relatively autonomous cultural production of journalists negotiating between their professionalism and state control. This article thus proposes a new model incorporating the autonomy of individual journalistic practices into political and social structural factors-the interaction of which might currently more accurately represent press practices in the new international order. With an understanding of the background of the journalistic practices and state policies of 4 countries/cities, the multinational media coverage of a specific event is explicated in the light of the new model. This new model explains the journalistic variations that cannot be clearly revealed using a state-policy press model alone.     

Intellectual-run-newspapers versus Statesman-run-newspapers

The purpose of this paper is to explicate two competing journalistic paradigms in China in the pre-reform era. The time frame is from the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 to the launching of the reform and open policy in 1978. A common view is that during that period the Chinese government, under the leadership of Chairman Mao, adopted the Soviet press model, in which media were tightly controlled by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and journalism was overwhelmingly dominated by the principles of a party press. In this paper, however, I argue that two journalistic paradigms operated simultaneously during that period: while the CCP and the government tried to impose the principle of statesman-run-newspapers, some journalists tried to maintain a tradition of intellectual-run-newspapers. The differences between the two paradigms regarding the role of the media, journalistic identity, levels of autonomy, narrative style, historical origin and others are discussed. The paper concludes that although intellectual-run-newspapers faced severe crackdowns, the inspirational force of the paradigm never became extinct. More importantly, it has been a continued influence on critical-minded journalists in China today.