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1.
This study outlines the current and recent ‘state of play’ in Israeli and Palestinian schools concerning the education of students about ‘the Other’. This is seen to be far from satisfactory. An examination of the complexities involved in learning about ‘the Other’ and of education programmes in other countries that have been afflicted by internal conflict show the need for a properly developed peace education programme to be developed in Israel and Palestine if real peace in the region is to be promoted.  相似文献   

2.
This article addresses the dilemmas emerging from efforts to integrate human rights values within a peace education programme being carried out in a conflict situation. Although the article is largely theoretical, it is grounded in the author’s reflections on a series of teacher workshops and his overall experiences conducting ethnographic research on issues of human rights and peace education in conflict and post-conflict situations, especially in his home country, Cyprus. The article outlines several interpretations and critiques of the human rights framework, offers an overview of human rights education and peace education, and then discusses two dilemmas that emerge from efforts to integrate human rights values within peace education programmes. Finally, it argues that an approach to human rights that is based on values and oriented towards praxis, with an emphasis on cross-cutting principles such as non-discrimination and equality, could perhaps be more compatible with peace education efforts.  相似文献   

3.
巴以和谈是当今国际社会热点中的难点问题.巴勒斯坦问题形成的历史复杂性以及和谈进程中各种有利的、不利的因素决定了巴以和平的前景道路曲折,前途光明.  相似文献   

4.
Peace education programmes have become part of the school curriculum all over the world, as a way to enhance positive relationships between conflict groups. However, although gender differences are being taken into account when planning various educational programmes, this is usually not the case with peace education. The present study aimed to reveal gender differences regarding peace and peace pedagogy. One hundred and eighty Israeli Jewish and Arab high school students participated in a peace contact education programme. Gender and group differences were examined both before and after participation in the programme. The findings revealed that the Jewish and Arab female youths were more dovish than the males both before and after participating in the programme, and gained more from the encounters. Implications for conflict resolution and peace pedagogy are discussed.  相似文献   

5.
Sharri Plonski 《Compare》2005,35(4):393-409
This paper discusses the presence of ‘peacebuilding islands’ within civil society as potential agents of transformation in the midst of intractable conflict. Focusing on the particular case of the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, the argument stems from a deconstruction of the legacy of national myopia perpetuated through social and political institutions and the capacity of individuals to impact them. Inspired by feminist organisations and the personal experience of feminist peace activists in Israel and Palestine, the author discusses the intersection of a variety of peacebuilding and educational initiatives as paramount to the building of a culture of peace in the region. The study embraces strategies that challenge the structural, socio‐cultural and inter‐personal status quo as part of a multi‐layered effort at transforming conflict in the Middle East.  相似文献   

6.
Role Conflict and the Dilemma of Palestinian Teachers in Israel   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1  
This paper explores the dynamics of conflicting role expectations among Palestinian teachers in Israel while focusing on the ways by which these expectations are generated and shaped by the broader sociopolitical context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its impact on the educational system. Following a brief review of the historical background and the changing role patterns among Palestinian teachers in general, the paper focuses on Palestinian education in Israel and the role of Palestinian teachers within it. The central argument is that the Israeli authorities have been systematically using formal education and the teachers' role in order to repress national identity and awareness among Palestinian students. Data from interviews with Palestinian student activists about the contribution of the formal education to their national identity is used to illustrate the dilemmas and challenges experienced by their teachers.  相似文献   

7.
This paper exposes the sources of anti‐Jewish education in Zionist thought and praxis by examining an unsuccessful attempt to educate for sensitivity to the suffering of the others in Israel. I argue that by conceiving the “Jew” as the ultimate victim of human history, and instrumentalizing Holocaust memory in the service of Israeli ethnocentrism, this form of education conflicts with central themes of Jewish tradition and leads to violent oppression of the Palestinian “other.” This double violence, to Jewish authenticity and the Palestinian “other,” can only be overcome by a reassessment of the transcendent dimension required for a geniune radical education.  相似文献   

8.
Since the concept of nationalism first emerged on the world stage, universities have played a key role in its collective formation and dissemination to the masses. Established under challenging circumstances and subjected to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in the wake of the 1967 war, Palestinian institutions of higher education have trodden a thin line between the training of human resources requisite to their national movement and compliance with the dictates of a military regime bent on curbing such aspirations. This research examines the various roles played by Palestinian universities in the ongoing struggle for national independence. Spanning from its inception to the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, this collection of first-hand accounts, historical documents and critical analysis explores the evolution and adaptation of Palestinian higher education amidst three decades of social and political turmoil.  相似文献   

9.
This study examines the higher education experience among Palestinian Arab females in two national spaces and seeks to determine whether studying at an Arab institution of higher learning in a nearby Arab country can alleviate the emotional and economic difficulties that affect Palestinian women at Israeli universities. What can institutions of higher learning in Israel learn or derive from the proposed model to relieve the alienation and exclusion that their female Palestinian students experience? The study will compare two geographically distinct groups of women students. The first is a group of Palestinian women who attend university in Jordan, while the second consists of Palestinian women of Bedouin origin from southern Israel who study in the Jewish Israeli cultural space. The study seeks to shed light on the experience of Muslim students in Western and Muslim universities.  相似文献   

10.
In Israel, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is the most fundamental political and moral issue current and future citizens face. If we accept the maxim that schools should prepare citizens for participation in determining the future of their state, Israeli students must be introduced to the historical, political and moral questions at the heart of the conflict. But this responsibility of Israeli schools and teachers is a highly contentious issue. The most important issue in Israeli political education is thus the hardest to teach. In this article I argue that, despite considerable educational and political risks, teaching Jewish Israeli students about the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (alternatively known as the Israeli War of Independence) holds substantial potential for their epistemic development as capable knowers. I begin by reviewing the political, dialogical, cognitive and epistemic deficits in Israeli education, highlighting how the Nakba is suppressed in history and citizenship education. By analysing the epistemic context of the Nakba in Israeli society and education, I present two pedagogical approaches for teaching controversial issues, arguing for an inquiry-based approach over the widely held approach. I demonstrate the benefits of an inquiry-based approach in the context of history education. In the final section of the article, I build on the case of the Nakba to argue for a new epistemic framework for Israeli citizenship education. I begin by outlining the shortcomings of the current epistemic framework of the subject and point to possible future directions for the subject.  相似文献   

11.
This paper underlines three foundations upon which the current condition of the Israeli education system is predicated. These are: (a) the separation between Palestinians and Jews in the Israeli education system and isolating both from any significant contact; (b) endorsing a strong ethno-religious ethos and narratives that widen the chasm between the Jewish ‘us’ and the Palestinian ‘them’; and (c) shaping education for the Palestinians in Israel as a highly standardized and de-contextualized endeavor that excludes ideology and politics, which are seen as irrelevant to good professionalism, while substantiating and thickening the ideological education in the Jewish education system in line with the right political agenda . In doing so, this paper contextualizes these foundations in the recent developments of Israeli politics. Particularly, the paper associates these foundations with the rise of the extreme right politics in Israel, arguing that these, taken together, serve the state’s efforts to continue preserving its excluding ethnocentric political regime and controlling the Arab Palestinian education in Israel under conditions of subordination and inequality.  相似文献   

12.
This paper reports the findings of a study of 7000 Palestinian ninth-grade students living in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Information is presented concerning educational aspirations, school performance and suggestions for strengthening the Palestinian school system. The impact of the intifada, the popular uprising which resulted in the Oslo Agreement, on the students' performance is also ascertained. The data were collected in 1994 and 1995 from ninth-grade students attending all 64 United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) schools in the West Bank. UNRWA schools only offer education up to the ninth grade. In addition, information was collected from a sample of 2000 ninth-grade students attending UNRWA schools in Gaza. Finally, a sample of 2000 ninth-grade students attending schools operated by the Palestinian Authority was also surveyed. We were unable to obtain access to PA schools in the West Bank. The response rate among students in completing the Arabic questionnaire was 95%. Questionnaires were also obtained from over 90% of the students' mothers and fathers. The results demonstrate that Palestinian students have exceptionally high educational aspirations in spite of living under Israeli occupation and in dire poverty. We discovered the students work hard in school and are supported by their parents. Interestingly, intifada participation was not related to school performance as those who were heavily involved in the conflict earned just as good grades as those who did not participate. Sadly, these youth realize that their lofty educational aspirations are not likely to be fulfilled because of their families' poverty and the disruptive influence of the Israeli occupation.  相似文献   

13.
This article deals with the political transition taking place in the Israeli Occupied Territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, in connection with the implementation of the first ever Palestinian national curriculum. The significance of this transition for the Palestinian national ambitions, with reference to relevant international law, is firstly analyzed. Then, a review of the landmarks in the construction of the curriculum, under the light of the main developments in the recent evolution of the Palestinian education, is made. The difficulties the Palestinian Ministry of Education has to overcome to implement its curriculum, because of the faltering political situation, are finally discussed. The main conclusion is that the curriculum is unable to contribute to the national construction because, the Palestinian nation's future is not in the Palestinians' hands.  相似文献   

14.
This paper traces the history of education in South Korea in terms of various forms of control and their impact on democracy and rights. Three periods are identified: pre-colonial, colonial (Japanese occupation) and post-colonial (dependent capitalism). Democracy and rights have been highly politicised and education to promote these is still part of a struggle by various teachers' and parents' movements. A history of abuses of student rights and the oppression of teachers has begun to be challenged since 1993. Nonetheless, teachers remain reluctant to use the terminology of democracy and human rights, and some corporal punishment is still in evidence. Korean teachers have little autonomy, as the system remains centralised, competitive and bureaucratic. To establish a culture of peace and non-violence, the paper argues for a change in school ethos, a change to school regulations and education laws, a wider spread of democracy to media and community and the publication of manuals on education for democracy and human rights.  相似文献   

15.
What follows is the edited version of the address delivered by Mr. Adrian Na stase, the Prime Minister of Romania, at the opening ceremony of the UNESCO-CEPES International Jubilee Conference on "Higher Education in the Twenty-First Century: Its Role and Contribution to Our Common Advancement", Bucharest, 6-8 September 2002. The role of UNESCO-CEPES as a forum for discussion of the principal issues of higher education is evoked. The pre-1989 activities of the Centre are compared to the post-1989 ones and to the role of the Centre in supporting the general reform of higher education in Central and Eastern Europe. The author, who did some research on higher education for peace and human rights at UNESCO-CEPES prior to 1989, is reminded of what a "Window of Opportunity" the Centre was for Romanian academics during that period. He expects the Centre to continue to play an important role in Romanian higher education in the future.  相似文献   

16.
刘邦春  孟娟 《铜仁学院学报》2010,12(6):113-116,139
美国和平教育是19~20世纪在世界和平运动的促进与指引下在对教育作用的反思的过程中兴起的一种教育思潮。在论述美国和平教育形成的社会背景的基础上,近一步探寻了美国和平教育的哲学理念。为普世知识开辟和平道路的夸美纽斯、主张用实用主义的学科教学促进和平的约翰.杜威、力推培养全球公民意识促进和平的蒙台梭利和用对话与批判推进和平的保罗.弗莱雷等皆为美国的和平教育提供了丰富的理论滋养。美国和平教育也经历了“和平世界愿景的提出——从反战走向积极的和平教育——迎接女性的和平教育——和平危机的时代——和平教育的积极发展”发展轨迹。美国和平教育发展对促进我国教育中对和平教育本质与使命的理解、提高对和平教育重要性的认识等方面都具有一定的启示意义。  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

This article discusses strategies used by Arab principals and teachers in Israel to cope with dilemmas involved in education for national identity stemming from conflict between two national narratives. While the Israeli Ministry of Education expects the Arab education system to educate students according to the Jewish State’s values, Palestinian Arab society expects its schools to educate its children according to Palestinian Arab national-cultural values. A qualitative research employed a semi-structured interview to elicit views on this issue from 7 principals and 14 teachers in the Arab education system in Israel. The findings indicate a conflictual reality. Interviewees expressed fear, humiliation and affront when required to obey Ministry of Education instructions in contradiction to attitudes prevalent in their society. They therefore developed coping strategies to foster students’ national identity without disrupting the necessary balance; primarily the construction of a covert learning program through manipulations in the official overt learning program. This study contributes to our understanding of minority education in a reality of conflict between the state and its national minority.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

Global citizenship education (GCE) has recently been promoted by national education systems and supranational organisations as a means for facilitating social cohesion and peace education. We examined the perceptions of GCE held by teachers from the three main education sectors in Israel: secular-Jewish, religious-Jewish, and Palestinian Arab, and found stark differences in the way teachers from each sector interpreted the term. For marginalised groups (Palestinian Arab), GCE is seen as offering a way of securing a sense of belonging to a global society. For already well-resourced social groups (Jewish secular), GCE is viewed as a way of promoting global futures. Meanwhile, for the Jewish religious minority in Israel, GCE is seen as a threat to national identity and religious values. Our findings cast doubt on the unifying potential of GCE, and we conclude by calling upon scholars and policymakers to examine unique obstacles facing GCE in their various contexts.  相似文献   

19.
With the purpose of facilitating the promotion of peace, development, disarmament and human rights education in the context of intense competition for curriculum time, including from other new ‘educations’, some tentative definitions are offered. Clarification of the basic concepts and their implications leads to a discussion of the inter-relationships amongst them. Hence, a conceptual approach is suggested which is based on the Peace — Human Rights — Development dialectic, defended as crucial with regards to education which must go beyond the transmission of knowledge to the involvement of the participants in their own social reality so that they become subjects rather than objects of their own history. Models are developed to illustrate the pedagogical implications of the dialectical relations among the concepts, aimed at (1) enabling coverage of the topics and their inter-relationships in traditional courses, and (2) suggesting themes for specialized courses which would allow more in-depth analysis. Finally, practical issues with examples for secondary-and tertiary-level teaching are discussed. Rather than giving in to some utopian ideal, educators should realistically draw on the ideas currently being worked out in peace, development, disarmament and human rights education.  相似文献   

20.
Human rights play a vital role in citizens' political, religious and cultural life (Wang 2002, 171). Due to the prominence of human rights in the everyday life of citizens, including those of South Africa, human rights education has been included in many school curricula. Human rights education aims to develop responsible citizens who inter alia foster an understanding of gender, ethnical, religious and cultural diversities. This, it is hoped will encourage and maintain peace, as outlined in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Departing from a human rights position, a qualitative study commenced in 2009 to explore how girls and boys reason about the cultural and religious practices of girls in their communities and families. Narratives by girls and boys highlighted their views on girls' positioning in their specific communities. From the findings it became evident that the participants were aware of conforming to particular cultural and religious practices. However, some participants also challenged how they perceived these practices and the roles of girls in their communities. The article highlights the necessity of embarking on a gendered perspective towards human rights education.  相似文献   

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