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1.
Gang Han Ph.D. 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):62-81
Based on General Social Survey data, this study employs logit models to clarify the effects of new media use and sociodemographic characteristics on voter turnout in the 2000 presidential election. It also discusses the predicting power of social-demographics on new media use behavior. Findings highlight that the behavior of actively seeking political information online, which can be expected by the level of education and income of Internet users, raised their likelihood of voting. General Internet exposure, which is reduced by age and affected by gender, however, could not increase the turnout as expected. Among sociodemographic indicators, education counted the most in the 2000 presidential election. People's sociodemographic characteristics were stronger predictors than their new media use behavior for voter turnout. 相似文献
2.
不少人将奥巴马称为互联网总统,强调其胜利归功于善用互联网。这种说法容易导致将社会变迁简单归因于某种媒介技术的采纳与应用。本文通过一系列实证数据的分析,破除有关的迷思(myth),说明互联网应用并非奥巴马取胜的决定因素。进而分析了奥巴马在选举过程中主要采纳了哪些互联网应用,以及从哪些方面来认识互联网给奥巴马带来的帮助,给美国总统选举带来的变革。 相似文献
3.
This study investigates the perceived impact of election polls,focusing on the hotly contested 2000 U.S. presidential election.Survey data from 558 individuals gathered during the final daysof the election campaign are analyzed to examine beliefs thatthe polls greatly affect other voters, general views of pollsas good or bad for the country, beliefs about whether pollstersinfluence their results to come out a certain way, and supportfor banning election-night projections. Results indicate thatmost respondents felt the polls had no influence on themselveswhile still affecting others. Respondents exhibiting these third-person-effectperceptions were significantly more likely than others to believethat election polls are a bad thing for the country. Negativeperceptions of polls and beliefs that pollsters try to influenceresults were also related to general distrust of the news media.Negative views of polls in turn were associated with increasedsupport for prohibiting election-night projections. In general,the results illustrate the dependency of negative views aboutpolling on fears of untoward effects on voters, in particularthe fear that polls and election projections might lend supportto candidates opposed by the respondent. 相似文献
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本文从传播学角度,分析了奥巴马赢得2008年美国总统大选中的关键要素,阐释了网络媒体如何第一次彻底地充当了美国大选中的政治工具,在开展竞选宣传、组织支持者,拉选票、募集资金、跟踪和制造舆论、劝服选民等竞选活动中产生的巨大影响力. 相似文献
5.
石威 《中国国家博物馆馆刊》2020,(4):136-148
1918年北京政府第二届国会召开,总统、副总统选举成为重要议题,与总统选举的顺利不同,副总统选举过程异常坎坷.由于南北政权的对立以及北洋内部派系的冲突,副总统问题成为各方争论的焦点.安福系为贯彻段祺瑞的主战意志支持曹锟为副总统候选人,却遭到了交通系的阻拦,交通系希望通过缓选副总统解决南北问题,因而全力破坏安福系的选举,... 相似文献
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民国初年,一批以实现民族独立国家富强为己任的政治精英拉开宪政救国的序幕,其中张耀曾便是杰出代表。第一届国会期间,他围绕《大总统选举法》的选举方法和大总统职权展开激烈争论,然而在袁世凯强力干涉之下,宪政理想轰然坍塌。民初的宪政虽以失败而告终,但留给后人的启示是久远的。 相似文献
7.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):541-555
This article presents a content analysis of 93 televised adwatches that appeared on ABC, NBC, and CBS network evening news programs during either the 1996 presidential primary (n = 40) or general election campaign (n = 53). Since the media's role in a democracy often is highlighted by its responsibility to provide citizens with information needed to make informed and rational decisions, this article analyzes political adwatches in regard to the social responsibility theory of the press. Findings indicate that CBS Evening News journalists did a better job at incorporating adwatch recommendations suggested by academicians to improve voter understanding about potentially misleading advertising con tent. However, content analysis of 298 primary and general election presidential candidate ads revealed that television journalists did not identify or discuss ethically suspect technological manipulations present in a large percentage of the 1996 spots. 相似文献
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驴象之争虽然免不了舞弊行为及竞选丑闻,但随着两党政治的逐步完善,它逐渐形成了一套自身的游戏规则.一方面,这些规则具有规定性、权威性,任何个人或团体从事政治活动,必须予以遵守;另一方面,这些规则又非一成不变,随着时间、环境的推移和变迁,其自身也在不断调整、补充和完善.一切政治运作基本上都遵循了民主程序;当权者靠选民的支持上台,并不是个人或党派意志的简单体现. 相似文献
9.
2000年的美国总统大选,表面上让人难以捉摸,其实,一切都在法制轨道上运行,留下了深深的法制轨迹.
按照1787年宪法"总统任期四年"的规定,美国的大选年极易确定.从1792年华盛顿当选第二届总统迄今,只要能被4整除的年份即为大选年.但宪法仅规定:"国会得决定各州选出选举人的时期以及他们投票的日子;投票日期全国一律",[1]而并未确定一个固定的日期.因此,大选日变化较大.华盛顿当选时,各州指定总统选举人的日期、选举人投票的日期,为原邦联时期的国会所规定.从1792-1844年,大选日多在大选年的12月第一周举行[2].1845年,国会通过一条法令,把全国的大选日固定在大选年的"11月第一个星期一之后的第一个星期二"[3],1848年11月7日,辉格党人泰勒成为第一位在统一的大选日当选的总统.这一关于大选日的规定至今维持不变. 相似文献
10.
This article examines the effect that channel switching among news programs has on knowledge of the issue stands of the 2008 presidential candidates. Past studies focused on news-to-non-news-switching found news grazing to be negatively related to levels of political knowledge. Drawing on data from the 2008 National Annenberg Election Study (NAES) the study concludes that: 1) during the 2008 general election many viewers switched from one news program to another; 2) switchers were disproportionately those who reported closely following the election; 3) the level of channel switching was dynamic during the 2008 campaign and peaked during the parties' convention; 4) switching from one news program to another was positively related to knowledge of the candidates' issue stances, in the presence of controls, and 5) the impact of channel switching on knowledge is moderated by how closely one follows the election. The implication of the results and possible directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
11.
Young Min PhD 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):192-204
The present study, as an international application of an agenda-setting model, investigates how campaign agendas of issues are constructed in an election. The Korean Congressional election of 2000 provided rich empirical data for this study; the political party agenda, the civic agenda, and the news agenda were measured in terms of issue salience at two different data points in time during the official campaign period. The results of the cross-lagged rank-order correlations between different agendas indicated the following. First, the party agenda as a whole had little impact on the formation of the news agenda. The party–news relationship, however, showed a different pattern at an individual newspaper level. Specifically, a more conservative newspaper was more susceptible to those parties’ agenda-setting than was its progressive rival. Second, a nationwide civic movement for political reforms slightly influenced the formation of the news agenda, especially that of the reformist newspaper agenda. Both newspapers, on the other hand, substantially influenced the civic campaign's issue emphases. Finally, there existed no significant interactions between the party and the civic agendas. 相似文献
12.
Geri Alumit Zeldes Ph.D. Frederick Fico Ph.D. Serena Carpenter Ph.D. Arvind Diddi Ph.D. 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):563-580
This study conceptualizes news bias as a causal factor producing systematic imbalance in the coverage of conflicting sides. Partisan bias is distinguished from structural bias by coverage that systematically favors one side with more prominence and attention. Content analysis was used to compare the television networks' balance in their treatment of Republican and Democratic candidates in stories and segments covering the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. Presidential candidates received balanced aggregate treatment in both elections. But individual networks differed in their partisan balance. CBS News consistently favored the Democratic candidate in both elections, unlike the mixed results for ABC and NBC. CBS's pattern of imbalance, especially in the 2004 election, suggests a possible political bias in its coverage. 相似文献
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《美国新闻与世界报道》是美国三大新闻周刊之一 ,在美国社会有着较大的影响。本文分析了该周刊 2 0 0 0年的 3 5篇涉华报道 ,并与以往的涉华报道和该杂志对其他国家如日本和俄罗斯的报道进行比较 ,试图找到该杂志以及美国主流媒体在涉华报道上的议题设置、报道用词与技巧 ,及其最近的一些新变化。这些变化有助于我们正确认识美国媒体及其涉华报道的态度和方法。 相似文献
15.
祁琛云 《图书馆理论与实践》2007,(6):122-124
宋代统治者十分重视图书的征集与收藏,多次降求书之诏,在全国范围内求购书籍。《宋会要辑稿·崇儒》中有大量宋政府征集图书的记载。本文在此基础上结合相关史料,拟对宋代图书征集的途径及原因略加探讨。 相似文献
16.
Based on a statewide telephone survey before the 2004 presidential election, this study probes Ohioans' attention to and perception of campaign advertising and the perceived effects of those negative political ads. Citizens in this “battleground” state had a very high level of awareness of campaign advertising, characterizing it as more negative than in the past. Self-reported attention to the campaign and measured use of local and national television news were related to perceived campaign negativity. Evidence of a third-person effect regarding a specific type of negative advertising was found. However, the effect was moderated by candidate choice. 相似文献
17.
Popular narratives assume that digital media play a central role mobilizing voters and especially young adults. Based on unique survey data of a diverse group or young adults from Spring, 2009, we consider the relationship between differentiated internet uses, and online and offline political engagement around the time of the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Thanks to our rich data set, we are able to consider both online and offline activities while taking into consideration more traditional measures. Our findings suggest that online forms of political engagement complement offline engagement. The pathways to young adults' political participation remain relatively stable. We also find an association between Internet skills, social network site usage and greater levels of engagement. These findings imply that although Internet usage alone is unlikely to transform existing patterns in political participation radically, it may facilitate the creation of new pathways for engagement. 相似文献
18.
This study examined substantive political coverage of the first presidential debate and the political conventions in 2004 on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast television networks' nightly newscasts. The study found the networks' coverage to be more hype than substance and coverage on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart to be more humor than substance. The amount of substantive information in The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast network newscasts was the same, regardless of whether the unit of analysis was news stories about the presidential election campaign or the entire half-hour program. 相似文献
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This study examined two levels of media agenda effects on aggregatepublic opinion from different news sources. The effects wereinvestigated immediately and cumulatively. Content analysisdata from the 2000 U.S. presidential election coverage by fournational news organizations were related to the Gallup pre-electionpoll standings of each candidate. Regression analyses foundthat both the salience of a candidate and the salience of theattributes of a candidate cumulatively, but not immediately,influenced his standing in the polls. An analysis of news sourcessupported the finding that the two levels of agenda-settingeffects seemed mostly cumulative rather than immediate. Newsfrom different sources, however, tended to have effects of differentdegrees and sometimes different directions on candidate pollstandings. Cumulative effects of candidate salience on aggregateopinion change were found for non-partisan and neutral newssourcesreporters, poll reporting and public documentswhereasthe effects of candidate attribute salience mostly came frompartisan sourcesthe candidate himself and members ofthe competing political party. Possible political implicationsof these findings are discussed. 相似文献