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美国操作一些国际金融机构对国际社会放送国际竞争力话语,以凸显教育问题作为一种危及社会前景的社会风险,并运用效能之名吹捧商业解决方案的功用。此种情境开启政策网络,使得商业、慈善、社会机构等构成混杂性科层统治方式,政府得以远离责任,但又通过设定标准与目标进行远程操控。同时,资本家得以介入教育决策,将教育服务商业化。其创新性的集体智慧被吹嘘成确保社会繁荣的万灵丹,这种社会贡献等同于实践社会的道德责任,慈善更进一步美化这些商业团体的利益行径。由此而言,效能是全球化教育改革运动的催化剂,市场逻辑是构成社会新思维的媒介,这促使许多政府运用效能、国际竞争力、创新性集体智慧与社会前景等话语,来塑造社会大众的自我知识,从而获得大众对这些话语的主动认可甚至支持。这种社会治疗学是统治艺术的实践,因为它引导他们如何思考与如何行动,这是新自由主义治理性的明显特征。 相似文献
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Colleges and universities exist within a political arena where external demands for accountability materialize within a market-driven environment. As a result, government agencies pressure colleges and universities to rely on assessment and transparent reporting to become more market-driven assuming that the competition within the market, led by public choice and institutional selection, will drive improvements in learning and will also self-govern the institutions. This article explores how Foucault informs our conception of neoliberal governmentality through political rationality and technologies of self-governance in order to inform our understanding of accountability in higher education and to challenge institutions to develop a counter dialogue which meets institutional obligations to the public and market. 相似文献
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Wayne Journell 《Educational Studies A Journal of the American Educational Studies Association》2013,49(2):133-159
This article describes the disparity in political instruction found in six government classes from three demographically diverse high schools during the 2008 Presidential Election. In general, students from working-class households or those in lower-level classes were rarely given opportunities to discuss politics at a national level or engage in analytical discussions of the election; students in middle-to-upper-class schools and those in advanced-level classes were privy to rich discussions of politics on a regular basis. Using Foucault's (1991) notion of governmentality as a guide, these findings are then discussed as symptomatic of a neoliberal approach to education in which students are trained for the presumed roles they will play in the nation's political economy as adults. 相似文献
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"虎妈"现象透视中西当代教育理念的确差异很大,如一个重由外到内的后天教育,培养整齐划一、统一思想的集体主义成员;另一个则重由内到外的引导或启蒙,顺人之先天特性,主张人的自由发展和人格独立的宽松式教育等。在此基础上,文章运用比较研究的方法,去厘清教育理念差异背后的当代中国人性的特征:如重人之社会性,轻人之与生俱来的抽象本质;确信人之可塑性,忽视人之先天特性和不可塑性;强调人是集体中的一员,忽略其自由个性的一面等。 相似文献
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Micia Mosely 《The Urban Review》2018,50(2):267-283
The Black Teacher Project (BTP) is an organization that supports, develops and sustains Black teachers for schools in the United States. The organization is building a Black teaching force that reflects the diversity and excellence of Black people in the United States. In our pilot year, BTP offered racial affinity-based professional development supports for Black teachers in the San Francisco Bay Area and New York City, and sought to understand the impact on the teachers who participated. This article describes the findings from these supports, including a year-long book study, inquiry groups, and drop-in “Rejuvenation Spaces.” A key finding from this initial pilot study is that racial affinity-based professional development decreases isolation and increases retention for Black teachers. 相似文献
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一、故事内容
In a forest, there is an old tiger. Hedoesn't often go to look for food himself.Every day he makes one of the smaller animals bring him something to eat.[第一段] 相似文献
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《Reading and Writing(初中版)》2010,(6)
曾经有一个农夫,养了一头水牛,他让水牛帮他在地里干活。一天,农夫对水牛说:你真是又迟钝又懒惰,看看老虎,他多强壮,多敏捷啊。水牛很生气,说:主人,你 相似文献
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《教育导刊》2018,(11)
母亲教育,即教育母亲如何做母亲,关键在于提升母亲的教育素质。母亲良好的教育素质是对未成年子女实施教育的前提和重要保证。当前国家和社会日益重视未成年人的家庭教育,积极呼吁家校、家园合作,某种程度上对家庭教育的重要施教者——母亲的教育素质提出了更高要求,母亲教育素质普遍低下的局面亟待改变。以"0-3岁婴幼儿母亲教育素质提升项目"为例的母亲教育公益服务项目,旨在通过课程培训,促使广大0-3岁婴幼儿母亲群体接受并掌握新型母亲教育观念、原则与方法等,达到提升教育素质的目的。因此,通过教育母亲、提升母亲教育素质,改善当前家庭教育现状,是关系孩子和社会未来长远发展的一条有效的可行路径。 相似文献
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Maarten Simons 《Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft》2002,5(4):617-633
Summary We will focus on the recent concern — and even ‘obsession’ — with quality in education from the perspective of changes in
how we are governed and governing ourselves. Therefore, we will explore advanced liberalism as a form of ‘governmentality’
and point out that (political) government has to submit itself to a ‘permanent economic tribunal’, i.e. judge everything constantly
by the principles of entrepreneurship and competition. Furthermore, not only political government, but foremost self-government
should be understood in relation to the tribunal: free people objectify within them skills and competencies, which are valuable
in a (market) environment. Moreover we argue that management rationality and technology try to establish a double bond within
the organization by regarding the worker as an enterprising self. Having pointed out the relationship between entrepreneurship
and (self-)management, it is possible to describe how quality becomes a permanent obsession to those managing their life or
an organization as an enterprise. After describing management and quality (and their relation) as a ‘function’ of entrepreneurship
it is possible to understand how learning is part of it, and how quality management and schooling become entwined at all levels.
Zusammenfassung ‚Gouvernementalité’, Bildung und Qualit?tsmanagement — Versuch einer Kritik des Konzepts der st?ndigen Qualit?tskontrolle Im vorliegenden Text wird die neuerliche — fast obsessive — Besch?ftigung mit ‚Qualit?t’ im Bildungssystem in den Blick genommen, und zwar vor dem Hintergrund der sich ver?ndernden Formen, in denen wir bestimmt (regiert) werden und uns selbst bestimmen. Dazu wird der fortgeschrittene Liberalismus als Form von ‚Gouvermentalité’ (Foucault) untersucht und herausgestellt, dass (politische) Kontrolle sich einem „st?ndigen wirtschaftlichen Tribunal“ unterziehen muss, d.h. alles kontinuierlich an Prinzipen von Unternehmertum (Entrepreneurship) und Wettbewerb auszurichten hat. Dieses wirtschaftliche Tribunal wird darüber hinaus nicht nur in Bezug auf das politische Regieren verstanden, sondern vor allem auf die individuelle Selbst-Regierung; denn freie Menschen zeigen in sich selbst Begabungen und Kompetenzen, die in einer marktwirtschaftlichen Umwelt wertvoll sind. Ferner wird argumentiert, dass Managementrationalit?t und-technologie versuchen, eine doppelte Bindung innerhalb der Organisation zu etablieren, indem sie den Arbeiter als ein unternehmerisches Selbst betrachten. Nach einer Darstellung der Beziehung zwischen Unternehmertum und (Selbst-)Management l?sst sich im Weiteren beschreiben, wie Qualit?t zur Obsession für diejenigen wird, die ihr Leben oder eine Organisation als Unternehmen managen. Im Anschluss an die Er?rterung von Management und Qualit?t (und deren Beziehung) als Funktion des Unternehmertums l?sst sich verstehen, welchen Part das Lernen in diesem Zusammenhang spielt und wie Qualit?tsmanagement und Schulwesen auf allen Ebenen miteinander verflochten sind.相似文献
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Edward Fergus 《理论付诸实践》2017,56(3):169-177
In 1954, the Supreme Court ruled schools in the United States needed to desegregate and begin integration. The decision was a radical departure from the facilities argument initially presented; it added the issue that the segregation of Black students was having a deleterious effect on their self-concept. Many scholars argue the integration has not been sustained (Orfield and Frankenberg, 2014); in fact, a recent report highlights Black, Latino and Native American students are less integrated with White and Asian students than in 1954 (Orfield and Frankenberg, 2014). However the Brown decision set forth another integration project – the integration of White practitioners (i.e., teachers and principals) with Black, Latino and Native American student populations! This article brings together an array of social interaction research that articulates the complexity of this integration project. More specifically, the article focuses on demographic patterns of intimate interactions (i.e., friendship networks, interracial marriage), research studies that document race-based ideas of learning and achievement; the presence of “passive” lowered expectations occurring through interactions such as stereotype threat (Steele and Aronson, 1995) and racial/ethnic microaggressions (Wing Sue, 2010) and “active” lowered expectations through school structures such as curriculum (Anyon, 1983) and resource allocation (Campaign for Fiscal Equity v. NYS, 2003). 相似文献
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Sjoerd Karsten 《比较教育学》1999,35(3):303-317
Until recently the Dutch education system was determined by the historic compromise of 1917, after which private schools were supported by the state on an equal financial footing to state schools. The consequence of this compromise was a mainly privatised and centralised system with a corporatist policy structure. In the mid-1980s The Netherlands, like other countries, came under the spell of the 'neoliberal revolution'. This article explores the extent to which the management reform carried out under a neoliberal flag has brought about radical changes to the Dutch education system. It especially looks at four key issues set out in that reform: increased autonomy, freedom of choice, privatization and quality control. 相似文献
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Mapping the Contours of Neoliberal Educational Restructuring: A Review of Recent Neo‐Marxist Studies of Education and Racial Capitalist Considerations 下载免费PDF全文
Clayton Pierce 《Educational theory》2015,65(3):283-298
In this article Clayton Pierce reviews three books representative of the recent neo‐Marxist literature on education: David Blacker's The Falling Rate of Learning and the Neoliberal Endgame, John Marsh's Class Dismissed: Why We Cannot Teach or Learn Our Way out of Inequality, and Pauline Lipman's The New Political Economy of Urban Education: Neoliberalism, Race, and the Right to the City. His analysis of these books focuses on how each author remains consistent or advances traditional Marxist interpretations of the role of education in capitalist society. In addition, he puts the arguments of each author into conversation with W. E. B. Du Bois's analysis of schooling in a racial capitalist society — what he called caste education — as a way to generate discussion around some of the inherent limitations of Marxist studies of education. Here, Pierce is particularly concerned with the ability of neo‐Marxist analyses of the neoliberal restructuring of education to articulate how white supremacy is preserved even in revolutionary critiques of capitalist schooling. 相似文献