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1.
This article compares the hybrid constructions of race, gender, and culture offered by two Japanese magazines very similar in nature, although one is targeted at men, the other at women. Locating non-no and Men's non-no within a larger transcultural discourse of commodified cultural representation, this comparison reveals significant differences in the magazines’ constructions. While the magazines’ hybridities may offer opportunities for subversive gestures, their representations of race and gender are ultimately likely to legitimize longstanding power relations, both globally and locally.  相似文献   

2.
This study examines the roles candidate race and gender may play in the evaluation of candidates presented via campaign Web sites. Apparent race and gender of a candidate were manipulated while issue information was held constant on a campaign Web site. The candidate's gender was shown to affect evaluations of the candidate (positively for female candidates) after controlling for participant political ideology, political knowledge, and political self-efficacy. The candidate's race did not affect evaluations of the candidate. Findings are discussed in the context of peripheral bias of central processing.  相似文献   

3.
In this essay, we examine recent developments in battles over race- and gender-based affirmative action across a 10-year period from the California Civil Rights Initiative (1996) to the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative (2006). While affirmative action policies have historically been contested within a paradigm of redistribution, our analysis of the Michigan case suggests a new strategic emphasis on disputing the legitimacy of the state's recognition of social difference. Drawing on the work of critical race and critical rhetoric scholars, as well as social theory on citizenship in the post-soul moment, we argue that a neoliberal understanding of difference and neoliberalism's appropriations of multiculturalism have allowed the anti-affirmative action movement in Michigan to avoid racist appeals completely by invoking the neoliberal myth of free, entrepreneurial individuals against a meddling, inefficient, authoritarian state. Further, we find that these shifts have permitted assaults on the positive consideration of gender—a strategy that was not possible when debates were centered over competing claims of racism. Finally, we argue that these strategic adjustments since California have enabled the anti-affirmative action movement to discursively align itself with contemporary neoliberal assaults on a range of social and cultural rights.  相似文献   

4.
This essay argues that the development of CONELRAD marked a pivotal—and often overlooked—moment in the history of media and communications in the United States. As the nation's first coast-to-coast emergency broadcast system, CONELRAD established a new paradigm of networked communications for a new world order. Through close critical examination of the institutional events and discursive controversies surrounding CONELRAD's development, I show how those events and controversies were inflected by both contemporaneous atomic anxieties and older hopes and fears associated with over-the-air communications. I also suggest how they articulated, in the domain of electronic mass media, the politico-legal theory and practice of the state of exception.  相似文献   

5.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(1):102-120
This paper explores how White viewers' perceived portrayals of African-Americans and Latino-Americans on TV influence their real-world feelings and beliefs about these outgroups, which in turn affect their support for race-targeted policies. A computer-based survey (N=323) included measures relating to perceptions about racial/ethnic groups on television, real-world stereotypical beliefs, prejudicial feelings, and support for affirmative action policies. The affective-cognitive model of policy reasoning presented in this paper extends and improves upon prior research in several ways. It considers intergroup emotions as an important mediator by including prejudicial feelings toward racial/ethnic outgroups in the path analyses. Unlike past research that typically grouped all negative stereotypes into one global measure, this study explores how specific types of stereotypes such as criminality and laziness work independently and simultaneously to influence policy preferences. Finally, this integrated cognitive-affective model of policy reasoning is applied to both perceptions of African-Americans and of Latino-Americans, which provides greater confidence in the applicability of the model. Implications of the results and directions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

6.
These reflections on critical communication and cultural studies of race draw on Bruno Latour's idea of ‘matters of concern’ to propose that scholars expand the focus of inquiry from empirical questions of veracity and accuracy in representations of race to concerns with how (and where) media gather and mobilize sentiments and affective investments that increasingly underwrite quotidian practices of racial inequality and racism in the post racial period.  相似文献   

7.
The bounds of permissible hate in post-apartheid broadcasting in South Africa have been shaped by the state's withdrawal from certain regulatory processes, as well as the emerging regulation by the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA). The BCCSA—established, financed, and operated by South Africa's broadcasting industry—filled the regulatory void not just by governing post-apartheid hate; the BCCSA has sought to govern the racial constructs upon which hate depends. With the state's withdrawal, BCCSA officials have configured hate and race in neoliberal ways, shifting responsibility for post-apartheid hate away from apartheid's beneficiaries and toward those apartheid was intended to subjugate.  相似文献   

8.
In this essay I analyze the HBO prison drama Oz as a cultural artifact of the current era of rampant incarceration. I argue that Oz's hyperviolent spectacle legitimizes both the expansion of the prison–industrial complex and the continuing prevalence of inhumane prison environments. I also contend that Oz's framing of race and class within a violent spectacle functions as a justification of discriminatory criminal justice practices.  相似文献   

9.
This investigation examined the effects of who asked, who paid, date location, and gender on first date sexual expectations and related attitudes. Participants from a large southwestern university in the United States reported that men hold higher first date sexual expectations than women, particularly when men asked and paid for the date and the date occurred at an apartment versus the movies or restaurant. When women asked and paid for the date and the date occurred at her apartment, men hold higher rape myth acceptance beliefs than when the man asked and paid for the date or when either sex asked for the date and the partners “went dutch” on expenses. Additional sexual- and gender-related findings, discussion, and implications follow.  相似文献   

10.
In October 2003, Californians voted in the high-profile gubernatorial recall election and on what is referred to as the “Racial Privacy Initiative.” The Initiative sought to prohibit the gathering of racial data in education and state employment. Unlike recent such initiatives addressing California's racial laws, this one was unsuccessful: 62 percent of voters said no. This essay examines the discourse surrounding the initiative over its three-year history and traces the rhetorical dynamics that led to its defeat. The analysis details the implications of this moment for hegemonic processes in general and as they relate to the specifics of race.  相似文献   

11.
This essay analyzes the international discourses and practices of yarn bombing—affixing knitted and crocheted works on public objects. Yarn bombing has recently become a nearly universally celebrated form of street art. The authors argue that acclaim for yarn bombing fashions an aesthetic regime that situates guerrilla needlework as an exceptional contribution to the urban landscape, while simultaneously policing alternate expressions of public art. By examining how yarn bombing's privileged style is related to modalities of gender, race, class, and capital, the authors supplement scholarly understandings of the politics of exceptionalism by highlighting the sovereign work of aesthetics.  相似文献   

12.
This study examines the relationship between the Evangelical gender role ideologies termed Complementarianism and Egalitarianism and conversation- and conformity-orientation communication patterns stemming from the general theory of family communication. A nonrandom group (N = 124) of Evangelical parents were surveyed using a cross-sectional, self-report survey design. Specific differences were discovered in the perceptions of communication in families for individuals holding conservative Complementarian and progressive Egalitarian gender role ideologies. Evangelical parents who endorsed a more Egalitarian family gender role ideology reported greater use of conversation-oriented communication patterns in their families whereas respondents holding a more Complementarian family gender role ideology reported more use of conformity-oriented communication patterns in their families.  相似文献   

13.
This study investigated whether and how exposure to tanned images on television is related to tanning attitudes and intentions among men and women, using the influence of presumed influence model (Gunther & Storey, 2003 Gunther , A. C. , & Storey , J. D. ( 2003 ). The Influence of presumed influence . Journal of Communication , 53 , 199215 .[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]). The model showed a better fit with the male rather than female sample. In addition, among males, exposure to tanned-men images on television was directly associated with protanning attitudes and was indirectly associated with protanning intentions. Corresponding direct and indirect associations were not found among females. Instead, the results suggest females may project their own protanning intentions into the estimation of protanning norms among male and female peers. These results suggest the social perceptual processes underlying the link between television exposure and tanning tendencies of men and women may differ.  相似文献   

14.
15.
This essay examines the gendered explanations for the prisoner abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib. Specifically, I examine how mainstream news media's selective focus on Lynndie England encouraged the public to read Abu Ghraib primarily as a gender crisis rather than as a crisis in US military culture. This framing not only deflected attention away from the other soldiers involved in the scandal (particularly the men who were involved) but also diverted criticism away from more comprehensive discussions regarding the US military's use of abuse and torture, the unlawful detainment of suspected terrorists, and the erosion of civil liberties in the post-9/11 era. Moreover, these representations of Abu Ghraib as a gender crisis prompted new criticism regarding gender integration in the military and constructed feminism as the new villain in the American melodrama.  相似文献   

16.
随着社会性别视角以及社会性别理论在传播学中的应用,性别与传播交叉研究逐渐发展成为一个相对独立的研究领域。不过,基于不同的认识论与方法论,该研究领域已然分化出两种截然不同的研究范式,分别是以社会性别理论为主体的"性别传播研究",和以传播学理论为主体的"性别与传播研究"。本文将阐释这两个基本范畴和研究范式之间的差别,并分析各自的特征与挑战。  相似文献   

17.
拉斯韦尔的《社会传播的结构与功能》是传播学史上的一篇经典之作,对这一学科的形成与发展产生了深远影响。本文结合拉斯韦尔的政治理论和思想背景,揭示了他对两种意识形态对立以及由此引发战争可能性的强调,认为该文堪称美国传播学的冷战宣言。  相似文献   

18.
Perceived support availability (PSA), a general belief about the likelihood that social support will be available when needed, is associated with numerous processes and outcomes of supportive communication. Currently, however, there is little understanding of the factors that contribute to this belief. Numerous studies have reported gender differences in PSA, with women generally indicating that they see support as more available than do men; in turn, gender differences in PSA have been cited to explain gender differences in the production and interpretation of supportive messages. In an effort to explain gender differences in PSA and, more broadly, understand the social-cognitive factors that contribute to individual differences in PSA, this article proposes and reports a test of a theoretical model that treats PSA as the outcome of the availability and accessibility of cognitive schemata for construing social situations. Participants (150 men and 271 women) completed instruments providing assessments of PSA, construct availability (cognitive complexity), and construct accessibility (expressive and instrumental orientations). Bootstrap procedures for the simultaneous assessment of multiple mediators found that construct accessibility generally was a stronger mediator of gender differences in PSA than construct availability. However, a cooperative suppression effect was found for 1 index of construct accessibility, complicating the interpretation of mediation effects.  相似文献   

19.
It is now widely acknowledged that the Bush administration used faulty and false information to justify the 2003 war on Iraq, and that the mainstream media, by not adequately investigating the case for war, assisted with the project. In this paper, I outline the particular strategies employed by the media–military industrial complex to ensure a dominance of pro-war arguments in the public sphere. I conclude by arguing that the failure of the media in the US to meet the democratic needs of this society places enormous responsibility on intellectuals to produce scholarship critical of the new imperialism.  相似文献   

20.
Portugal became the centre of an entangled airwaves ensemble during the Cold War. In order to demonstrate this, the article develops along two lines. First, it details how the Portuguese dictatorship, with ideological connections to fascism, allowed the construction in its territory of one of the most powerful retransmitters of Radio Free Europe (RFE), responsible for airing anti-communist propaganda to Eastern Europe. The collaboration between the Portuguese dictator and the National Committee for Free Europe, mediated by US diplomatic officials, played an important role in the development of the operations of RFE in the country. Second, the article demonstrates how Portugal became the target of shortwave broadcasts operated from abroad, aimed at spreading pro-communist and anti-fascist sentiments in Portuguese society. Some of these stations were established by the political opposition that used the airwaves to undermine the dictatorship.  相似文献   

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