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1.
Patrick Lynn Rivers 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(3):219-231
The bounds of permissible hate in post-apartheid broadcasting in South Africa have been shaped by the state's withdrawal from certain regulatory processes, as well as the emerging regulation by the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA). The BCCSA—established, financed, and operated by South Africa's broadcasting industry—filled the regulatory void not just by governing post-apartheid hate; the BCCSA has sought to govern the racial constructs upon which hate depends. With the state's withdrawal, BCCSA officials have configured hate and race in neoliberal ways, shifting responsibility for post-apartheid hate away from apartheid's beneficiaries and toward those apartheid was intended to subjugate. 相似文献
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《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):325-346
Various theories of nonverbal adaptation feature behavioral valence (i.e., positive vs. negative behavior) and degree of behavioral change (e.g., very low vs. low intimacy) as critical elements affecting whether changes in nonverbal intimacy are met with reciprocity or compensation. The present study, which utilizes data from 100 romantic dyads, makes comparisons across five conditions: very low intimacy, low intimacy, very high intimacy, high intimacy, and a no change (control) condition. Repeated measures analyses of variance showed that targets in the two high intimacy conditions reciprocated their partners' intimacy change by appearing more nonverbally involved and pleasant and engaging in more verbal intimacy. Targets in the two low intimacy conditions also reciprocated by becoming less nonverbally pleasant and fluent as well as more verbally hostile. However, these targets also used verbal repair strategies, thereby showing some degree of compensation. Targets in the very low intimacy condition also became more vocally anxious and less composed after their partners decreased intimacy. Targets in the very low intimacy condition were abo particularly likely to engage in verbal repair strategies. These and other findings are discussed in light of their implications for applying theories of nonverbal intimacy exchange to the context of romantic relationships. 相似文献
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Bradley Jones 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(4):401-422
In this essay, we examine recent developments in battles over race- and gender-based affirmative action across a 10-year period from the California Civil Rights Initiative (1996) to the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative (2006). While affirmative action policies have historically been contested within a paradigm of redistribution, our analysis of the Michigan case suggests a new strategic emphasis on disputing the legitimacy of the state's recognition of social difference. Drawing on the work of critical race and critical rhetoric scholars, as well as social theory on citizenship in the post-soul moment, we argue that a neoliberal understanding of difference and neoliberalism's appropriations of multiculturalism have allowed the anti-affirmative action movement in Michigan to avoid racist appeals completely by invoking the neoliberal myth of free, entrepreneurial individuals against a meddling, inefficient, authoritarian state. Further, we find that these shifts have permitted assaults on the positive consideration of gender—a strategy that was not possible when debates were centered over competing claims of racism. Finally, we argue that these strategic adjustments since California have enabled the anti-affirmative action movement to discursively align itself with contemporary neoliberal assaults on a range of social and cultural rights. 相似文献
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上世纪八十年代以来,全球范围内,媒体政策普遍转向新自由主义,即私有化和解除管制取代了公有制和国家监管。本文以电信政策为个案,通过对新自由主义电信政策出现的背景和进程的分析,考察发展中国家的得失。 相似文献
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《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):257-280
This study analyzes the messages in hate group websites using a grounded theory approach. Through this process of interpretive inquiry we propose four prominent themes—educate, participate, invoke, and indict—that characterize the messages examined in 21 hate groups. These message themes speak to the: (a) education of members and external publics; (b) participation within the group and in the public realm; (c) invocation of divine calling and privilege; and (d) indictment of external groups including the government, media, and entertainment industries, and other extremist sects. In advancing a substantive grounded theory of online hate group communication, we also explore the potential of these themes to ostensibly reinforce the hate group's identity, reduce external threats, and recruit new members. 相似文献
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We present a qualitative analysis of 186 women and gender minorities’ definitions of sex, sexuality, and sexual health, as well as their accounts of how those concepts changed for them over time. Participants describe these phenomena as communicative, layered, and related to identity. Definitions of sex produced themes of intimacy, consent, and who is involved; definitions of sexuality involved sexual orientation, sexual expression, and personal identity; definitions of sexual health included communication skills, an emphasis on physical and emotional health, and prevention and maintenance. Using the Communication Theory of Identity as a lens to guide our analysis and discussion, we argue that sex, sexuality, and sexual health are intergroup arenas that require an acknowledgment of group membership. 相似文献
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《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):535-556
This study examined responses on the potential impact of Barack Obama's presidency from 16 semi-structured interviews with White males in leadership positions in various organizations across the United States. While numerous studies examine the circulating racial discourses on Obama, few studies explore how he is represented in first-hand accounts from those in the public, specifically from White-male elites. This study examined interview discourses from White-male elites to reveal how they imagine race through Obama. In positioning Obama among the pantheon of great-man leaders, this study showed how dominant racial ideologies get legitimatized and reworked when members of the dominant group desire to construct racial meanings onto a popular Black leader. 相似文献
9.
Carol Stabile 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):266-285
Scholarly accounts of gender, race, and television in the 1950s have mainly focused on the ideological content of programming that ultimately made it onto the air. This research has played an important role in reckoning with the political and cultural legacies of 1950s television. But the focus on ideology and content has prevented us from fully understanding the repressive nature of anti-communist thought and action, both in terms of the powerful ways in which the broadcast blacklist made the production of progressive themes and images impossible, and in terms of how the fear that followed from the blacklist repressed the memory that such alternatives had ever existed. Counter to the images of white suburban women we have inherited from the 1950s, the first two casualties of the broadcast blacklist were professional women who were politically active—white actor Jean Muir and African American musician Hazel Scott—whose involvement in civil rights was deemed evidence of their communist sympathies. This essay builds on earlier research on gender and 1950s television not by analyzing the absence of strong women, people of color, immigrants, and working-class families from the televisual landscape, but by looking at the elimination of the very cultural workers writing, agitating, and fighting to broadcast these representations. 相似文献
10.
In October 2003, Californians voted in the high-profile gubernatorial recall election and on what is referred to as the “Racial Privacy Initiative.” The Initiative sought to prohibit the gathering of racial data in education and state employment. Unlike recent such initiatives addressing California's racial laws, this one was unsuccessful: 62 percent of voters said no. This essay examines the discourse surrounding the initiative over its three-year history and traces the rhetorical dynamics that led to its defeat. The analysis details the implications of this moment for hegemonic processes in general and as they relate to the specifics of race. 相似文献
11.
Katherine Sender 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):131-151
This paper moves beyond a conventional critique of gay stereotyping on Bravo's popular makeover show Queer Eye for the Straight Guy to consider how the show puts gay cultural expertise to work to reform a heterosexual masculinity that is compatible with the neoliberal moment. At issue are the newly public acknowledgement of gay taste and consumer expertise; the “crisis of masculinity” that requires that heterosexual men must now attend to their relationships, image, and domestic habitus; and the remaking of the straight guy as not only an improved romantic partner—the metrosexual—but a more flexible, employable worker. The author concludes by considering how camp deconstructs some of Queer Eye's most heteronormative aims, even while leaving its class and consumption rationales intact. 相似文献
12.
Casey Ryan Kelly 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):240-265
After publishing a controversial essay on 9/11, Professor Ward Churchill's scholarship and personal identity were subjected to a hostile public investigation. Evidence that Churchill had invented his American Indian identity created vehemence among many professors and tribal leaders who dismissed Churchill because he was not a “real Indian.” This essay examines the discourses of racial authenticity employed to distance Churchill from tribal communities and American Indian scholarship. Responses to Churchill's academic and ethnic self-identification have retrenched a racialized definition of tribal identity defined by a narrow concept of blood. Employing what I term blood-speak, Churchill's opponents harness a biological concept of race that functions as an instrument of exclusion and a barrier to coalitional politics. 相似文献
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《Communication monographs》2012,79(1):102-120
This paper explores how White viewers' perceived portrayals of African-Americans and Latino-Americans on TV influence their real-world feelings and beliefs about these outgroups, which in turn affect their support for race-targeted policies. A computer-based survey (N=323) included measures relating to perceptions about racial/ethnic groups on television, real-world stereotypical beliefs, prejudicial feelings, and support for affirmative action policies. The affective-cognitive model of policy reasoning presented in this paper extends and improves upon prior research in several ways. It considers intergroup emotions as an important mediator by including prejudicial feelings toward racial/ethnic outgroups in the path analyses. Unlike past research that typically grouped all negative stereotypes into one global measure, this study explores how specific types of stereotypes such as criminality and laziness work independently and simultaneously to influence policy preferences. Finally, this integrated cognitive-affective model of policy reasoning is applied to both perceptions of African-Americans and of Latino-Americans, which provides greater confidence in the applicability of the model. Implications of the results and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
15.
Margaret M. Jobe 《Journal of Government Information》2004,30(1):66-80
This article traces the history of the enumeration of American Indians by the U.S. Census Bureau and its predecessors. It considers the social and political background of the census and the reasons that Native Americans were not counted by the census until 1890. It also examines the changes in the enumeration and definition of Native Americans—key concepts needed to provide effective reference service for users of Census Bureau data. 相似文献
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Brian Scott Amsden 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(4):353-375
The US Supreme Court has considered the question of free speech rights for students several times since its landmark Tinker v. Des Moines ruling in 1969. In each case it has confronted the failure of existing precedents to crystallize the imaginary distinction between speech and action in such a way as to satisfactorily negotiate the social relationship between students and educators, youth and adults. This essay analyzes three cases in the student free speech tradition, attending to the ways in which materiality is thematized in the course of a negotiation of the interests of adults vis-à-vis youth. 相似文献
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Bill Yousman 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):265-284
In this essay I analyze the HBO prison drama Oz as a cultural artifact of the current era of rampant incarceration. I argue that Oz's hyperviolent spectacle legitimizes both the expansion of the prison–industrial complex and the continuing prevalence of inhumane prison environments. I also contend that Oz's framing of race and class within a violent spectacle functions as a justification of discriminatory criminal justice practices. 相似文献
19.
Lilian Radovac 《传播与批判/文化研究》2014,11(1):34-41
As used by Occupy Wall Street, the human microphone played a central role in the formation of an auditory space that was animated by the principles of direct democracy that guided the movement. However, the practice also allowed the occupiers to confront and subvert the monopoly on amplified public speech that the government of the City of New York had possessed for nearly eighty years. This paper presents a brief history and analysis of the city's regulation of sound devices, locating the human microphone in a larger struggle over the rights to public speech and assembly. 相似文献
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This article reports the findings of a small-scale study in a UK university. The research investigated how academic librarians experienced the processes of becoming a teacher. As more librarians are drawn into a teaching role, understanding these developments becomes crucial. A narrative approach revealed the challenges faced as they participated in a program of teacher education. Institutional agendas and a diverse student population complicated these processes. This produced a complex interplay between identity and pedagogy, resulting in a lack of legitimacy in the teacher role. This has implications for the way in which academic librarians are supported in such transitions. 相似文献