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1.
Past research concerning the theoretical framework of Resistance Performance (RP) has been based on observations of liberal organizations and activists. In the following essay, we engage in a qualitative content analysis of alternative media utilized by conservative “Tea Party” activists to build on the concept of RP. Overall, we discovered that the dominant theme found in much of the content focuses on “purity,” which is considerably different from past RP research that found broad themes of “human rights,” “democracy,” “be the media,” and “principles of unity” embedded within liberal alternative media content. We conclude that the theme of “purity” gives rise to narrowmobilization, which constructs very focused protest communities within right-leaning politics.  相似文献   

2.
How can we understand and evaluate the relationship between democracy and recent global protests in response to economic globalization? Criticisms of this type of activism understand democratic communication to be primarily a public process. I argue that instead, we need to develop a more fully cultural understanding of democracy and communication, one which would take into account important characteristics of contemporary democratic practice and experience. That is, as a resonant but unstable compound of meanings, democracy is integrated into individual subjectivities and collective identities through a whole variety of lived experiences, particularly in relation to mediated and symbolic practice.  相似文献   

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This study examines the radical democratic principles manifest in Indymedia's discursive, technical, and institutional practices. By focusing on a case study of the Seattle Independent Media Center and contextualizing it within theories and critiques of radical democracy, this article fleshes out strengths, weaknesses, and recurring tensions endemic to Indymedia's internet-based activism. These findings have important implications for alternative media making and radical politics in general.  相似文献   

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Drawing on a national survey of 1,157 South Korean adults, the present study finds that social media use for political news is positively associated with knowledge about political issues, but not with knowledge about political processes. Professional media use for political news is significantly associated with both political issue knowledge and political process knowledge. The impact of social media for news on political issue knowledge increases with the additive role of professional media news use. This study also finds that political talk strengthens the positive association between social media use for news and political issue knowledge.  相似文献   

7.
This study tests the role of second screening during election news consumption in factual political knowledge. Data from an online survey conducted before the 2016 U.S. presidential election show that task-irrelevant second screening during election news consumption on television is negatively related to factual political knowledge, whereas the influence of task-relevant second screening is positive. Data also show that the relationships between task-relevant and task-irrelevant second screening and factual political knowledge are moderated by how much attention one pays to election news on television.  相似文献   

8.
This article seeks to critically examine the practical application of live streaming video at use in contemporary resistance movements, particularly the work of CUTV during the Quebec Student Strike of 2012. With a brief comparison to the use of social media—and even live streaming—in the Occupy movement, this article demonstrates the differences, and sophistication, of live streaming video in the Quebec Spring. Specifically, this article seeks to understand the ways in which political actors and digital technologies form unique assemblages (in the Deleuzian sense), which can both operate as mechanisms of power as surveillance technologies for police forces or, if used carefully and critically, can open up nodes of counter-power, disrupting state surveillance, surveilling the police themselves, and providing the space for the construction of subjectivity on the part of political actors in the streets.  相似文献   

9.
This study examines political and communicative factors predicting trust in mainstream newspapers and television by analyzing a set of survey data collected in South Korea. The results show that supporters of the opposition party are less likely to trust the mainstream news media than supporters of the ruling party. Daily Internet use negatively predicted trust in media only for nonpartisans. However, for supporters of the opposition party, daily Internet use moderated the interaction effect between political discussion and exposure to political news on trust in media.  相似文献   

10.
在美国传播学者不同阶段的论著中,1956-2004年间的埃及传媒体制先后被归类于威权主义媒体、动员型媒体和转型性媒体。然而,这一系列分类并非价值中立,而是暗含权力和价值取向,是埃及被纳入现代世界秩序与文明等级的一个缩影。梳理原始文献不仅可以发现西方传播学者对埃及传媒体制归类的谬误之处,还可以发现这些学者关于西方传媒体制的道德优越感和他们所持的单一线性历史观在知识生产过程中的渗透。再现归类埃及媒体的知识生产情境,不仅可以以此为例对西方媒体分类体系进行祛魅,而且可以在知识"深度去西方化"的背景下"打捞"被遮蔽的"另类媒体",讲好全球历史中的媒体变迁故事;更重要的是,这有助于我们超越方法论民族主义,在跨文化传播政治经济学的框架下重新确立书写全球传播史的马克思主义史观,进而认识到历史进程的开放性与另类可能性。  相似文献   

11.
从仪式到消费:大众传媒与节日意义之生产   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文以《扬子晚报》1997至2007年十年间节日报道为分析文本,观察传媒对节日形象的呈现,进而从理论上探讨大众媒介对节日意义变化的影响机制。研究发现,消费类议题的报道数量持续增长,而大众传媒则通过替代、建构节日两种方式完成对节日意义的再生产。  相似文献   

12.
A sizable body of research has examined BIRG, or Basking in Reflected Glory, as the psychological process of associating with the successes of others. A sample of 253,188 tweets related to the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum were collected leading up to and following the vote. Results support BIRG processes on the part of anti-independence tweeters, and Cutting Off Reflected Failure (CORF) responses by those favoring independence. Evidence does not support the notion that CORF was attenuated by high involvement.  相似文献   

13.
For decades, feminists have intervened in a sexually violent culture. Many public health professionals, educators, and activists who design these interventions have called for complex conceptualizations of communication, yet communication studies scholars have not written extensively on consent. Moreover, researchers outside the field rarely rely on insights from the discipline. Accordingly, I offer a critical review of consent activism and research, and I highlight disciplinary assumptions that could enhance existing knowledge. I argue that many feminist academic/activist interventions use false ideas about communication, what I call communication myths: discourse merely reflects reality, and local discourse is disconnected from larger social Discourse. I show how these communication myths resonate with rape-supportive arguments. By suggesting communication should be unambiguous during consent, anti-violence educators/activists lower the standard for communicative competence, disconnect it from historical-cultural context, and miss opportunities to politicize consent. I argue feminists can challenge communication myths to build on existing interventions while more fully dismantling rape culture.  相似文献   

14.
在社会救助机制不完善的情况下,传媒的越界评判和敦请成为一种“合法的”补偿机制。本文认为,传媒的越界行为得以存在主要原因,在于新闻生产过程中所使用的平民主义话语策略,调动并契合了转型时期中国民众的社会心理。传媒在激烈的竞争中获得某种市场和道德的双重默许。  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

For centuries, the only painting materials used in stained-glass production were grisaille and yellow (silver) stain. At the end of the fifteenth century, stained-glass painters began to use a new material, sanguine. This paint is mainly produced with iron oxide particles, usually haematite, and allowed to obtain a colour that can vary from yellowish to brownish-red due to the nature and particle size of the iron oxide. A translucent sanguine was mostly applied as flesh and hair colour, with an opaque sanguine used for drapery, architectural motifs, and heraldry. The main goal of this study is to investigate the relationship between historic sources on the preparation and use of sanguine from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries and the evolution evidenced in the recipes regarding the production method. Representative recipes from several centuries (sixteenth to nineteenth centuries) were selected and reproduced for this study. These reconstructions were thoroughly characterized using X-ray powder diffraction, optical microscopy (OM), and fibre optic reflectance spectroscopy (FORS). The OM and FORS data were correlated with historic sanguine paints applied on historic stained-glass. The similarities and differences between historic and reconstructed paints are presented. The study of reconstructed sanguine’s adhesion to glass using cross-cut testing was also performed, revealing that the adhesion is strongly influenced, not only by the binder, but also by the composition and morphology of the sanguine paint.  相似文献   

16.
This article explores people’s susceptibility to political deception. Participants watched a news interview in which a politician either answered all the questions or deceptively evaded a question. In Study 1 (n = 202), deception is perceived through the dodge being irrelevant for voters who do not identify with the politician. In Study 2 (n = 618), partisan voters consider the politician more deceptive, and acting more deceptively, when the politician has their opposing party affiliation, independent of whether he dodges. When the politician shares their party identification, voters identify with the politician more and consider his responses more relevant. Findings are consistent with theoretical positions of identification, the cooperative principle, and social identity.  相似文献   

17.
This study explores the interplay of sex, presence, and enjoyment of nonfictional tragic news content; an experiment was conducted in which participants viewed a news story about Hurricane Katrina's devastation to the Gulf Coast on a standard definition television, high definition television, or a video iPod. The results indicate that women reported more sadness regardless of condition, though they seemed especially moved in the iPod condition. Women also reported more information seeking, and reported highest levels of presence in the iPod condition. The results are discussed both in terms of implications for crisis message practitioners, and in terms of what the results may mean for our understanding of the enjoyment of tragedy.  相似文献   

18.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):205-231
Scholars emphasize the importance of rich communication media for the development of Teleworkers' organizational identification, but tests of these relationships have produced inconsistent results. The connectivity paradox helps explain these findings. The paradox suggests that Teleworkers' connectivity to others through communication media facilitates remote work by affording greater social presence, while also negating the benefits of telework by enabling stressful interruptions. These outcomes of connectivity may benefit and detract from identification. We propose a model linking the core features of the connectivity paradox to organizational identification. Teleworkers and office workers were surveyed, and a multigroup path analysis was utilized. Results indicate that connectivity increases stress from interruptions and indirectly diminishes Teleworkers' identification.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

During 2002 the Russian publishing industry and news media were under intense scrutiny, sometimes verging on assault, by government and pro-government groups. A new 20% value-added tax was an additional blow, although it was reduced to 10% in the middle of the year. Russian publishing appears to be healthy in spite of those problems, although statistics from the Russian Book Chamber (Rossiiskaia knizhnaia palata) are notoriously unreliable. Statistics on books carried by Russian Press Service give an approximate picture of scholarly book publishing.  相似文献   

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