腐败现象的经济机理分析

在政治市场与经济市场并非完全竞争,或者在阶层式的行政与经济组织中存在委托—代理关系时,每个人即使恪尽职守、清廉奉公,也得不到由此带来的全部收益;反过来,即使他贪污腐败,也不会承担由此造成的全部损失,即每个人在公职上的行为的私人成本与收益可能大大偏离社会成本与收益。然而,从经济理性出发,每个人决策的依据只是私人成本与收益的比较。一项行为即使可能提高社会收益,只要其私人成本超过私人收益,也就不会有人愿意尝试;而另一些行为尽管可能危害社会利益,只要其私人收益足以超过私人成本,就总会有人哪怕冒风险也愿意去做。腐败行为就是在这种逻辑下作出的一种选择。     

腐败与反腐败的成本收益分析

腐败作为一种全球性的社会现象,已经严重影响到各国或地区政治、经济、社会的健康发展。目前我国处于社会转型时期,由于制度的不完善和有效监管的缺失,致使腐败现象滋生蔓延,已严重影响到国民经济的健康发展,因此治理腐败刻不容缓。本文拟从成本收益角度,对腐败现象作探析。     

腐败的经济学界定与特征

从经济学的角度来看,腐败是公共权力代理人获取未经委托人同意的个人私利的行为,可以将之划分为交易型与非交易型等类型。腐败行为具有典型的经济性,是政府官员在特定制度条件下进行成本-收益计算的结果。与此对应,开展反腐败活动时也必须考虑经济合理性,只有当预期社会收益大于社会成本时,廉政建设才能够得到应有的重视。     

从社会成本与私人成本视角审视非公有制经济

非公有制经济的基本特征是私人成本较低,而社会成本较高。其私人成本较低,既是非公有制经济的生机活力的典型反映,也是它们基于自身的利益驱动将部分私人成本转嫁为社会成本的结果。社会成本较高,这是非公有制经济难以克服的根本缺陷。客观认识非公有制经济的成本高低和竞争优劣问题,应当从私人成本与社会成本相结合的视角,来审视非公有制经...     

论工业控污的边际成本与收益的最优化

传统上,厂商在生产过程中往往依据边际成本最小化和边际收益最大化的原则来确定自身的控生产量,也即根据自身的生产成本和收益状况决定控污量。但随着经济的发展和时代的进步,我们越来越发现,采用这一标准已经很难达到有效的控污了。因此,我们应该寻找更有效的标准。边际成本与收益的最优化标准不仅注重厂商的私人成本,还关注社会的成本与收益,追求社会边际成本与收益的最优化。要达到这个目标,不仅需要厂商的积极努力,更需要政府采取相应的措施。通常有三种手段：政府管制、征收污染税和实施可交易的排污许可证制度。     

确定成本约束下学费、财政经费的市场化互补模型-向成本补偿本义的回归

对教育成本的深入分析表明 ,是学费和财政经费决定了生均教育成本而非相反 ,应用成本补偿理论中的成本决定法确定合理学费的方法在逻辑上是错误的。合理学费应由教育消费者依据教育投资私人收益判断 ;财政拨款应由政府依据教育社会收益判断 ,并据此确定大学生均拨款。确定成本约束下的市场化互补模型作为向成本补偿理论本义的回归 ,清晰地解决了市场经济条件下收益各方如何依据私人收益和社会收益负担教育成本比例的问题 ,同时透明、公正、高效地解决了中国高等教育中分工形成和合理分类发展等多个重大问题。     

借鉴成本管理法遏制腐败

企业管理上的成本管理要求尽可能地降低产品成本,以提高经济效益。腐败作为一种社会现象尽管与工业产品截然不同,但也可以认为有成本和效益问题。对腐败实行成本管理,则应增加其成本,降低效益以达到遏制直至杜绝的目的。     

成本——收益分析法在公共部门运用的特征分析

成本———收益分析法是通过比较各种方案的全部预期成本和收益,选出最优投资方案的一种决策方法。公共支出效益和成本的社会性、多样性,决定了公共部门的成本—收益分析法的运用与私人部门存在着区别。在公共部门合理运用成本—收益分析方法,有利于做出目的在于弥补市场缺陷的理性公共投资选择。     

城市化风险分析

城市化是我国当前重要的社会现象.但城市化的研究主要是把它作为一种社会现象.其实,城市化还是一种经济现象,它有经济活动的基本特征.本文以经济学中的成本--效益为分析框架,讨论了城市化的风险问题,并提出了初步的解决方法.     

腐败成本的刑法学分析

腐败滋生蔓延是社会经济体制、政治体制各种因素综合作用所致.在我国,腐败者所付出的成本低是腐败滋生的原因之一.在现有体制下,与其所实施的腐败行为相比,腐败者在经济上、政治上、承担刑事责任以及所承担的精神压力等方面投入的成本较小.本文通过对腐败成本的分析,针对我国腐败行为的“低风险、低成本、高收益”的现状,提出以刑事法律提高腐败成本的方式,从而加大对腐败的惩治力度,构筑反腐防线.     

Public spending on higher education in developing countries: Too much or too little?

This paper discusses problems with the prevalent view that public resources for education in developing countries should be reallocated from higher to lower levels of education. There may be a case for maintaining and even increasing spending on higher education, as long as public funds can be directed to research and other “public good” functions of institutions of higher education. Current measures of social returns to primary, secondary and higher education do not reflect unmeasured social benefits at each level; since we do not know the relative size of these benefits across levels, we do not know the true ranking of social returns across primary, secondary and higher education. The true social rate of return to certain components of higher education, such as research and postgraduate training in science and technology, and creation of other skills where social returns probably exceed private returns (such as public administration) is probably high, and in some settings, may now be as high or higher than the social rate of return to primary and secondary education. Moreover, achieving and sustaining adequate levels of quality to capture these social returns requires minimal stability in public financing, arguing against major reallocations away from higher education. But this does not argue for more public spending on all higher education programs. On the contrary; within the envelope of total public spending on higher education, reallocation away from public spending on undergraduate training makes sense, since such training probably has low social compared to private returns, and can be accomplished by greater reliance on private universities and by increasing tuition and other fees in public universities, while ensuring equitable access through loan and scholarship programs.     

Secondary Vocational Education and Earnings in Latin America[1]

ABSTRACT

Household survey data for II Latin American countries are used to assess earnings differentials by type of secondary education during the late 1980s. Introduction of the cost of the curriculum allows for the estimation of private and social rates of return to investment in education by type of secondary school curriculum. The paper documents mixed results. In some countries the private returns to vocational schooling are higher than the returns to general secondary schooling. Introducing differential cost of curriculum and estimating social returns to schooling results in much lower returns to vocational schooling.

     

The profitability of school investments in an educationally advanced developing country

The Philippines is a country in which phenomenal educational expansion has taken place in the last 30 years. As such, it is a natural case for testing the hypothesis that investment in education is no longer economically valid. In this paper we provide new estimates of the returns to investment in education in that country for 1988. The findings indicate that both social and private rates of return are of conventional levels and therefore a case of overexpansion is not warranted. Among the three educational levels considered, primary education exhibits the highest returns and university education the least. But because of the particular case of the Philippines where private sources are dominant in tertiary education financing, the degree of public subsidization is highest in primary education. This makes the Philippines a world outlier in the structure of public financing of education, and serves equity and poverty alleviation causes as well.     

民办高校趋同现象的驱力探析--基于新制度主义视角

我国民办高校趋同现象主要表现在组织行为和组织结构的趋同。基于新制度主义的强制机制、模仿机制、社会规范机制的作用,可以从理论上揭示民办高校趋同的深层驱力。在此基础上纾解民办高校趋同现象,还应在优化法律制度环境,制定区域发展规划,实施分类管理,增加公共财政投入,培育办学特色,提升办学水平等方面做出更多努力。     

民办高校毕业生就业偏见现象的表现、根源与解决

民办高校毕业生在求职过程中所经历的就业偏见问题是一个较为普遍存在的社会现象。文章从历史、区域、体制和主体等维度来分析民办高校毕业生就业偏见问题的存在根源,并提出了涉及教育制度和政策、观念转变、民办高校及其毕业生主体性提升的解决途径。     

Educational investment and economic productivity: Evidence from Malawi

Tracer study data on the destination and earnings of a sample of nearly 1000 secondary school graduates are used to estimate the returns 10 investment in the Malawi Certificate of Education. Even when adjustment is made for the possibility of unemployment among graduates, the social rate of return is estimated 10 be in the order of 20% and the private rate 50%. These results are used to explain the strong private demand for entry into secondary education and to support the case for further expansion of such schools in Malawi.     

Private Demand,Social Equity and Adult Education in Singapore

There are currently two views about the relationship between education and economic development. One rather narrow view treats education as an investment in people — in human capital — that raises productivity and national income just like investments in physical capital. Rational individuals invest in themselves when they see that private returns exceed private cost. Governments should invest in education that gives favourable social rates of returns. Their main function is to respond to the established pattern of demand for education. The second, and broader, view sees education not as a pure investment good, but as a powerful force that increases people's knowledge, changes their values and attitudes, and thus expanding their ability to absorb new technology. In this view, the expansion of educational opportunities is vital to the making of a modern society. Governments should provide education with the objective of creating a fully educated society — a society where everyone has at least six to ten years of formal education. They should create educational and training opportunities ahead of demand, with subsidies and compulsory schooling laws if necessary.     

A Critique of Human Capital Formation in the U.S. and The Economic Returns to Sub-Baccalaureate Credentials

This article explores the history of human capital in the United States in relation to scholarly study of the private economic returns to higher education. The focus of this study is the private economic returns to subbaccalaureate education in two-year community and technical colleges. This article argues that although there are some beneficial private rates of return to a subbaccalaureate credential in relation to having no higher education, the benefits are small and often insignificant, especially in relation to the rates of return to a baccalaureate degree. Thus, subbaccalaureate credentials are devalued economic commodities that perpetuate the inequality of U.S. society and the labor market and, therefore, subbaccalaureate education should not be seen as a means to democratize higher educational access, but more as an advanced type of secondary schooling.     

明清时期塾师业外活动收入及其原因与影响

明清时期塾师的业外收入主要由耕田、从医卖药、卖文、卖字、卖画和相卜说媒等获得的收入构成。卖文、卖画和卖字是塾师获取业外收入最为常见的方式。明清时期塾师从事业外活动的原因有为家计所迫,有对财富的追求,有中国传统农耕文化价值观念的影响和难以逃避的应酬等。这些业外活动一方面改善了他们窘迫的生存状态,另一方面影响到了教育质量,引起学生家长的不满。有些业外活动达到了教化乡里的效果,但还有一些被当时的社会所鄙弃,严重地影响了塾师教书育人的形象。     

Anglo-Western international school teachers as global middle class: portraits of three families

ABSTRACT

This exploratory study on the global middle class (GMC) examines three representative experiences of the tens of thousands of Anglo-Western international schoolteachers (ISTs), who teach in private, K-12, English-immersion international schools for extended periods of time. The notion of GMC provokes consideration of social class making and forms of belonging of professional and managerial service workers who are ‘middling actors’ in the flows of transnational migration. We ground our analysis by examining three IST families as a unique group within the GMC. We find that ISTs, oriented by pre-sojourn middle-class histories, differentially (re)fashion their social class locations in the more elite transnational milieu of the international schools. These families accumulate and exchange economic, cultural and social capital under their transnational routes, connections and returns. Their children’s access to an elite international education as a condition of their international employment represents a unique form of school choice.