Early representational insight: twenty-four-month-olds can use a photo to find an object in the world

The research reported here shows that under certain circumstances even 24-month-old children can display representational insight. Seventy-nine children participated in 3 studies in which a photo or video presentation could be used to guide their search for a hidden object. Studies 1 and 2 replicated earlier findings of chance performance levels across 4 trials. However, on their first trial, 24-month-olds performed above chance in 3 of 4 conditions in these experiments. Study 3 therefore presented children not with the typical 4 trials in 1 room, but with 1 trial each in 4 different rooms. This manipulation ruled out perseveration errors and resulted in above-chance performance in average mean retrieval rates. These results call for first-trial reanalyses of earlier studies.     

Children''s Understanding of the Modal Expression of Speaker Certainty and Uncertainty and Its Relation to the Development of a Representational Theory of Mind

2 experiments examined children's understanding of the expression of speaker certainty and uncertainty and its relation to their developing theory of mind. In the first experiment, 80 children between 3 and 6 years of age were presented with a task in which they had to guess the location of an object hidden in 1 of 2 boxes. As clues to location, the children were presented with contrasting pairs of statements by 2 puppets. Different trials contained all of the possible pairwise combinations of either the modal verbs must, might, and could or the modal adjuncts probably, possibly, and maybe. Results showed that while 3-year-olds did not differentiate between any of the modal contrasts presented, 4-year-olds and older children were able to find the hidden object on the basis of what they heard. Performance was best for contrasts involving a highly certain term (either must or probably) paired with a less certain term (might, could, possibly, and maybe). Experiment 2 was designed to determine whether competence with modal terms was related to competence with mental terms in the same task, and whether performance on the certainty task was related to other aspects of the child's understanding of the nature of beliefs. 26 4-year-olds were presented with the certainty task, involving both modal and mental terms, and with tasks assessing their understanding of false beliefs, representational change, and the appearance-reality distinction. Results showed that all of these tasks were intercorrelated, implying that what may develop at 4 years of age may be a general understanding of the representational nature of belief.     

Physical Similarity and Young Children''s Understanding of Scale Models

Young children's understanding of the correspondence between a scale model and a larger space is affected by the degree of physical similarity between the 2 spaces. In 4 studies, children between 2.5 and 3.5 years of age watched as a miniature toy was hidden somewhere in a scale model of a room. They were then asked to find an analogous toy that was hidden in the corresponding place in the room itself. The effects of different levels of 3 types of physical similarity were investigated. In general, the children's retrieval scores increased as a function of increasing similarity, although younger children required a higher degree of similarity to appreciate the model-room correspondence than did older children. Some types of similarity were more important than others: The level of similarity between the objects within the 2 spaces and of the overall size of the spaces both had large effects on the children's performance. Similarity presumably affects accessibility, the likelihood that children's representation of one space will provide access to their representation of the other space.     

Maternal teaching of the symbolic function of a scale model / La enseñanza materna de la función simbólica de una maqueta

This study explores how mothers naturally guide their children in the use of a symbolic object, a scale model. Nineteen mothers, along with their two-and-a-half-year-old children, participated. The children had to find a toy hidden in a small room by using a scale model that represented it. It was found that mothers used three kinds of strategies: model-room correspondence, life experience and the names of the objects; with correspondence being the preferred strategy. The mothers were very responsive to their children, offering feedback in order to evaluate both their correct and incorrect searches. The corrective feedback affected the children’s performance when mothers had previously used strategies like correspondence and experience, but not in the case of name. In general terms, the results illustrate how mothers naturally guide the cultural knowledge of their children, structuring the interaction in a particular way and providing teaching and correction strategies in line with the responses of their children and the characteristics of the task.     

Young Children''s Understanding of the Role That Sensory Experiences Play in Knowledge Acquisition

3 studies investigated whether young children understand that the acquisition of certain types of knowledge depends on the modality of the sensory experience involved. 3-, 4-, and 5-year-old children were exposed to pairs of objects that either looked the same but felt different, or that felt the same but looked different. In Study 1, 36 children were asked to state, when one of these objects was hidden inside a toy tunnel, whether they would need to see the object or feel it in order to determine its identity. In Study 2, 48 children were asked to state which of 2 puppets knew that an object hidden inside a tunnel possessed a given visual or tactile property, when one puppet was looking at the object and the other was feeling it. In Study 3, 72 children were asked, in a scenario similar to Study 2, to state for each puppet whether he could tell, just by looking or by feeling, that the hidden object possessed a certain visual or tactile property. Children were also asked what was the best way to find out whether a given object possessed a certain visual or tactile property. Results of all 3 studies suggest that an appreciation of the different types of knowledge our senses can provide (i.e., modality-specific knowledge) develops between the ages of 3 and 5. The results are discussed in relation to young children's developing understanding of the role that informational access plays in knowledge acquisition.     

Precursors of mnemonic strategies in very young children's memory

In 4 studies with 18-24-month-old children, evidence was obtained of strategy-like behaviors in a memory-for-location task in which the child had to remember in what natural location a toy had been hidden. The children exhibited behaviors that resemble the mature strategies of rehearsal and monitoring, including talking about the toy or its hiding place and looking or pointing at it during the delay interval. In Experiments 1 and 2, these strategy-like behaviors were engaged in differentially as a function of familiarity, both of the setting in which the task was embedded and of the task itself. Significantly more target behaviors occurred in an unfamiliar than in a familiar setting, and more target behaviors occurred on the first than on the second day of observation. In Experiment 3, when the basic memory task was modified to remove the memory demands from the child, very few of the strategy-like behaviors occurred, indicating that they were indeed memory specific. In the fourth experiment, the rehearsal-like behaviors were shown to be related to subsequent retrieval. We interpret these results as evidence of an early natural propensity to keep alive what must be remembered, a rudimentary and imperfect version of what will later become more elaborate and planful mnemonic strategies.     

Young children's use of video as a source of socially relevant information

Although prior research clearly shows that toddlers have difficulty learning from video, the basis for their difficulty is unknown. In the 2 current experiments, the effect of social feedback on 2-year-olds' use of information from video was assessed. Children who were told "face to face" where to find a hidden toy typically found it, but children who were given the same information by a person on video did not. Children who engaged in a 5-min contingent interaction with a person (including social cues and personal references) through closed-circuit video before the hiding task used information provided to find the toy. These findings have important implications for educational television and use of video stimuli in laboratory-based research with young children.     

Contextual factors affect absent reference comprehension in 14-month-olds

How do infants come to understand references to absent objects? 14-month-old infants first learned a name for a novel toy, which was then placed out of view. The infants who listened to a story mentioning the nonvisible object, looked, pointed, and searched for it more often than did infants who heard a story using a different name. Their behavior was affected by minor changes in context; they responded to the name of the out-of-view toy less often when it was not easily accessible or after a delay. These findings indicate that the development of absence reference comprehension depends on the interaction of representational and contextual factors.     

Drawing for others: influence of referential intention in early production of drawings / Dibujar para otros: influencia de la intencionalidad referencial en la producción temprana de dibujos

This study examines if and how the presence of an adult as a receptive agent of children’s drawings has an effect on the early production of pictorial symbols by emphasizing the children’s referential intention as drawers. To this end, we compared three-year-old children’s representational drawings with a model in four experimental conditions, three conditions with an adult as a receptive agent and one condition without a receiver. In the conditions with a receiver (Linguistic Feedback, Graphic Demonstration and Graphic Product) children were explicitly asked to draw for an adult, who had to use the children’s pictures to find hidden objects in identical boxes; the conditions differed in the adult’s actions with non-representational drawings. The results indicate that the presence of the receiver had an impact on representational production only when the adult demonstrated how to create the drawings with the intent of communicating the identity of the objects (Graphic Demonstration). Although drawing is typically viewed as a solitary activity, these results suggest that representational drawings may emerge in communicative contexts between drawers and receivers.     

Developing theories of the mind: children's and adults' concepts of mental activities

8-year-olds', 10-year-olds', and adults' concepts of mental activities involved in acts of knowing were examined in an attempt to gain insight into developmental changes in underlying theories of mind. Subjects rated the similarity of how the mind is used in a variety of common activities, each of which primarily involved either memory, comprehension, attention, or inference. Analyses of conceptual structure revealed 2 developmental changes. Between 8 and 10 years of age, children came to see the most important relation among mental activities to be the degree to which they involved memory. Between 10 years of age and adulthood, Comprehension and Attention first appeared as distinct, coherent concepts. At all ages, Memory and Inference were seen as distinct types of mental activities. These findings suggested that a sophisticated understanding of the representational nature of the mind might not be acquired before the latter part of middle childhood and might be mediated by an understanding of the central role played by memory.     

Development of the ability to use recall to guide action, as indicated by infants' performance on AB

25 infants were tested every 2 weeks on the AB Object Permanence Task devised by Piaget, from the age when they first reached for a hidden object until they were 12 months. The delay between hiding and retrieval necessary to produce the AB error increased continuously throughout this period at an average rate of 2 sec/month, from under 2 sec at 7 1/2 months to over 10 sec by 12 months. All children displayed the AB error repeatedly over the months of testing. Large between-children differences in delay needed for the AB error were found at each age. Girls tolerated longer delays than boys. The characteristic pattern to the AB error did not vary over age or sex. Range of delay producing the AB error in any child was small. Errors disappeared when delays were reduced by 2-3 sec, and reaching became random or severely perseverative when delays were increased 2-3 sec above the level producing AB error. AB provides an index of the ability to carry out an intention based on stored information despite a conflicting habitual tendency.     

The warrant for constructivist practice within educational technology

Educational technology is an instantiation of technical rationality. Technical rationality depends on an objectivist epistemology and a representational model of mind. Currently, a growing number of practitioners in the field of educational technology consider themselves constructivists. Because their epistemological position conflicts with that of technical rationality, these practitioners must currently find a warrant for their practice outside the field. However, a warrant for a strong form of constructivism (enactive constructivism) can be located in recent developments in systems theory, one of the foundational pillars of educational technology. These developments have the potential to provide practitioners a philosophical mooring within the field itself. One of these developments, autonomous systems theory, with its rejection of the representational model of mind, is described, and implications of its application to educational technology are discussed.     

Symbolic Functioning in Very Young Children: Understanding of Pictures and Models

Before one can understand or use any symbol, one must first realize that it is a symbol, that is, that it stands for or represents something other than itself. This article reports 4 studies investigating very young children's understanding of 2 different kinds of symbolic stimuli--scale models and pictures. The data replicate previous findings that 2.5-year-old children have great difficulty appreciating the relation between a scale model and the larger space it represents, but that they very readily appreciate the relation between a picture and its referent. This result is interpreted in terms of the dual orientation hypothesis. Models are difficult for young children because they require a dual representation--a child must think about a model both as an object itself and as a representation of something else. Because pictures are not salient as real objects, they do not require a dual representation. Several kinds of evidence supporting the dual orientation hypothesis are presented. An additional result was the occurrence of a transfer effect: Prior experience with a picture task led to better performance on a subsequent model task. This finding suggests that experience with a symbolic medium they understand can help young children figure out a different, unfamilar medium that they would otherwise not understand.     

Two-Year-Old Children's Sensitivity to a Parent's Knowledge State When Making Requests

These studies examined whether toddlers take their communicative partners' knowledge states into account when communicating with them. In Study 1 , 16 2-year-old children (mean age 2-7) had to ask a parent for help in retrieving a toy. On each trial, a child was first introduced to a new toy that was then placed in 1 of 2 containers on a high shelf. The parent either witnessed these events along with the child or did not because she or he had left the room or had covered her or his eyes and ears. As predicted, when asking for help in retrieving the toy, children significantly more often named the toy, named its location, and gestured to its location when a parent had not witnessed these events than when she or he had. In Study 2, 16 2-year-old children (mean age 2-3) had to ask a parent for help in retrieving a sticker dropped into 1 of 2 identical containers placed out of reach in the far corners of a table. The parent either witnessed, along with the child, which container the sticker was dropped into or did not because her or his eyes were closed. In their requests for help, young 2-year-old children gestured to the sticker's location significantly more often when the parent did not know its location than when she or he did. The implications of these findings for current characterizations of 2-year-old children's ability to assess the knowledge of others is discussed.     

The role of intentionality and iconicity in children's developing comprehension and production of cartographic symbols

The contribution of intentionality understanding to symbolic development was examined. Actors added colored dots to a map, displaying either symbolic or aesthetic intentions. In Study 1, most children (5–6 years) understood actors' intentions, but when asked which graphic would help find hidden objects, most selected the incorrect (aesthetic) one whose dot color matched referent color. On a similar task in Study 2, 5- and 6-year-olds systematically picked incorrectly, 9- and 10-year-olds picked correctly, and 7- and 8-year-olds showed mixed performance. When referent color matched neither symbolic nor aesthetic dot colors, children performed better overall, but only the oldest children universally selected the correct graphic and justified choices with intentionality. Results bear on theory of mind, symbolic understanding, and map understanding.     

Imitation of televised models by infants

Studies indicate that infants in our culture are exposed to significant amounts of TV, often as a baby-sitting strategy by busy caretakers. The question arises whether TV viewing merely presents infants with a salient collection of moving patterns or whether they will readily pick up information depicted in this 2-D representation and incorporate it into their own behavior. Can infants "understand" the content of television enough to govern their real-world behavior accordingly? One way to explore this question is to present a model via television for infants to imitate. Infants' ability to imitate TV models was explored at 2 ages, 14 and 24 months, under conditions of immediate and deferred imitation. In deferred imitation, infants were exposed to a TV depiction of an adult manipulating a novel toy in a particular way but were not presented with the real toy until the next day. The results showed significant imitation at both ages, and furthermore showed that even the youngest group imitated after the 24-hour delay. The finding of deferred imitation of TV models has social and policy implications, because it suggests that TV viewing in the home could potentially affect infant behavior and development more than heretofore contemplated. The results also add to a growing body of literature on prelinguistic representational capacities. They do so in the dual sense of showing that infants can relate 2-D representations to their own actions on real objects in 3-D space, and moreover that the information picked up through TV can be internally represented over lengthy delays before it is used to guide the real-world action.     

Children's Gender-Based Reasoning about Toys

The goal of these studies was to investigate how preschool children use gender-based reasoning in making judgments about toy preferences for themselves and for others. In Studies 1 and 2, children ( n = 22, n = 71) were shown unfamiliar, non-sex-typed toys and asked to rate how much they, other girls, and other boys would like each toy. As expected, children made gender-based inferences: "What I like, children of my sex will also like, and children of the other sex will not like." Study 3 was designed to assess how children use gender-based reasoning to make decisions about attractive and unattractive toys when they are given gender labels. Children ( n = 91) were shown unfamiliar toys varying in attractiveness that were given explicit gender labels (e.g., "this is a toy girls really like") or no label. With a different experimenter (to avoid demand characteristics), children rated their own and others' liking of the toys. Children used gender labels to guide their own preferences and their expectations for others. Even with very attractive toys, children liked toys less if they were labeled as being for the other sex, and expected other girls and boys to do the same. The role of gender-based reasoning in cognitive theories of gender and on children's play preferences is discussed.     

The Possession and Use of Toys in Elementary‐School Boys and Girls: does giftedness make a difference?

This study investigates whether gifted children differ from non‐gifted regarding the possession and use of toys and whether gifted are less affected by traditional gender roles in these two variables. The parents of 286 fourth‐grade elementary school students (151 intellectually gifteds [IQ >= 130] and 135 children of average intelligence) responded to a list of 30 toy groups. It was assessed (a) which toys are present in the household and (b) how often they are used by the child. The analysis revealed that only the use of toys typical for boys displayed a mildly significant effect for giftedness. Dramatic gender effects were found: with the exception of the use of athletic equipment and group games, both groups exhibited gender‐specific toy possession and toy use to an equal degree.     

Children's developing awareness of diversity in people's trains of thought

This research explored the development of one insight about the mind, namely, the belief that people's trains of thought differ even when they see the same stimulus. In Study 1, 5-year-olds, 9-year-olds, and adults heard stories about characters who saw the same object. Although the older groups predicted the object would trigger different trains of thought, most 5-year-olds did not. In Study 2, 5-year-olds (preschoolers and kindergartners) and 7-year-olds heard similar stories, plus stories with additional individuating information about each character. With age, children increasingly recognized that thoughts would differ and could explain why. The development of this insight during the school years likely provides children with a more complete understanding of what it means to be a unique individual.     

An Illusion of Self-Sufficiency for Learning About Artifacts in Scaffolded Learners,But Not Observers

Two studies ask whether scaffolded children (n = 243, 5–6 years and 9–10 years) recognize that assistance is needed to learn to use complex artifacts. In Study 1, children were asked to learn to use a toy pantograph. While children recognized the need for assistance for indirect knowledge, 70% of scaffolded children claimed that they would have learned to use the artifact without assistance, even though 0% of children actually succeeded without assistance. In Study 2, this illusion of self-sufficiency was significantly attenuated when observing another learner being scaffolded. Learners may fail to appreciate artifacts’ opacity because self-directed exploration can be partially informative, such that learning to use artifacts is typically scaffolded instead of taught explicitly.