Before Head Start: Income and Ethnicity,Family Characteristics,Child Care Experiences,and Child Development

The present study describes the early life histories of a large sample of three-year-old children from different ethnic backgrounds living in three levels of family income—poverty, near-poverty, and above-poverty. The study examined the developmental characteristics of children in the three groups and related them to family characteristics and experiences in child care. To no one's surprise, significant differences associated with income were found for most of the family measures. Poverty and near-poverty families were more likely to have mothers with lower education, less sensitivity, more depression, and lower HOME scores. Correlatively, for the child development measures, there was an upward progression associated with income. Poverty children consistently showed the greatest deviation from established norms for cognitive and social behavior. A striking finding, however, was the considerable variability found on all the measures—a pattern not sufficiently stressed in related research. This finding has major implications for curriculum planning in Head Start programs. The analysis also showed that child care experience cannot be disregarded as a significant aspect of the history of a prospective enrollee in Head Start or other intervention programs geared to low-income children. Fewer of these children are likely to have a child care history, as families that used at least 10 hours of child care per week were less likely to be either poor or near-poor and thus eligible for enrollment. While this may reflect selection factors associated with child care usage, it also indicates that availability of child care is essential for borderline families that try to stay out of poverty. Number of hours of care per week and age of enrollment did not predict developmental level when the full income sample was considered. However, when only poor and near-poor children in care for at least 20 hours a week were used in the analysis, higher quality of care was associated with more favorable developmental outcomes in the children.     

Before Head Start: Income and Ethnicity, Family Characteristics, Child Care Experiences, and Child Development

The present study describes the early life histories of a large sample of three-year-old children from different ethnic backgrounds living in three levels of family income—poverty, near-poverty, and above-poverty. The study examined the developmental characteristics of children in the three groups and related them to family characteristics and experiences in child care. To no one's surprise, significant differences associated with income were found for most of the family measures. Poverty and near-poverty families were more likely to have mothers with lower education, less sensitivity, more depression, and lower HOME scores. Correlatively, for the child development measures, there was an upward progression associated with income. Poverty children consistently showed the greatest deviation from established norms for cognitive and social behavior. A striking finding, however, was the considerable variability found on all the measures—a pattern not sufficiently stressed in related research. This finding has major implications for curriculum planning in Head Start programs. The analysis also showed that child care experience cannot be disregarded as a significant aspect of the history of a prospective enrollee in Head Start or other intervention programs geared to low-income children. Fewer of these children are likely to have a child care history, as families that used at least 10 hours of child care per week were less likely to be either poor or near-poor and thus eligible for enrollment. While this may reflect selection factors associated with child care usage, it also indicates that availability of child care is essential for borderline families that try to stay out of poverty. Number of hours of care per week and age of enrollment did not predict developmental level when the full income sample was considered. However, when only poor and near-poor children in care for at least 20 hours a week were used in the analysis, higher quality of care was associated with more favorable developmental outcomes in the children.     

Predicting kindergarten academic skills: Interactions among child care,maternal education,and family literacy environments

This investigation used structural equation modeling to examine sources of children's reading, vocabulary, general information, mathematics, and letter recognition skills upon entrance to kindergarten. Potential predictors included ethnicity, gender, child IQ, family literacy environment, maternal education, and months in child care centers. Family literacy environment had positive causal links with four of five academic measures. Greater number of months in child care centers was associated with higher mathematics scores among children from less educated mothers who scored low on a measure of family literacy environment. In contrast, no effects of child care were found for children from mothers with more education. Implications include the need for strong parental involvement in children's development and subsidized child care for children in need.     

Family selection and child care experiences: implications for studies of child outcomes

Studies of the impact of child care experiences on child outcomes must consider family selection factors because children from more advantaged families tend to attend higher quality child care and are more likely to be in center care than children from less advantaged families. Although this issue is widely recognized, developmentalists and economists have used different statistical methods when testing whether child care experiences are related to child outcomes and have drawn different conclusions from their analyses. This paper discusses some of the family selection issues that should be considered in child care research and provides empirical evidence demonstrating why each issue should be considered. These issues include whether causal inferences can be made from observational studies and the impact on conclusions from regression analyses that include highly correlated measures of child care experiences, nonrepresentative samples, and family covariates with bi-directional effects on child care quality.     

Family child care in four Midwestern states: Multiple measures of quality and relations to outcomes by licensed status and subsidy program participation

Quality of family child care in four Midwestern states was examined using four measures designed to assess structural and/or process quality to determine if dimensions converge or vary across types of family child care (licensed and license-exempt/registered) and subsidy receipt (programs serving children whose care is paid by subsidies and programs not serving subsidized children). Two instruments designed specifically for use with family child care that measure both structural and process quality were used (Family Day Care Rating Scale and Quality Instrument for Informal Child Care), as well as one instrument measuring process quality (Caregiver Interaction Scale) and one instrument measuring structural quality (Midwest Child Care Assets Index). The two instruments designed to measure both structural and process quality in family child care were highly correlated with each other, while both of these were moderately correlated with the measure of process quality. The measure of structural quality was not significantly correlated with the measure of process quality. Licensed family child care homes scored higher than license-exempt/registered family child care homes on three of the four measures (all but the Caregiver Interaction Scale), and family child care homes receiving child care subsidies scored lower than those not receiving subsidies on three of the four measures (all but the Assets Index).     

Type of child care and children’s development at 54 months

The types of non-maternal child care received by more than 1000 U.S. children were examined from birth to 54 months and related to family selection factors and to child outcomes. Individual children tended to experience a variety of different types of care and not to fit into clear patterns of either stable care types or progressive patterns of movement from less structured to more highly structured care settings. Across the entire sample, however, hours in center care were higher in the preschool period than earlier, whereas hours in relative care remained stable and hours in child care homes decreased. Mothers who were single, those with more education and less traditional beliefs about child rearing, and families with higher incomes and fewer children in the household were more likely to use more hours of center care than other families; single mothers and those with fewer children also used more hours of care in child care homes. Minority families, those with low incomes, and mothers with less education and fewer children used more hours of relative care. With family selection factors and quality of child care controlled, only hours in center care across the time period from 3 to 54 months were related to child outcomes. Children who experienced more center care were reported by caregivers at 54 months to have somewhat higher externalizing behavior problem scores than other children, although these scores were not in the clinical or at-risk range. Center care hours were also related to cognitive and language outcomes, with more hours in infancy associated with lower preacademic test scores and more hours in the toddler period with higher language scores.     

The relation of child care to cognitive and language development. National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network

Children from 10 sites in the United States were followed from birth to age 3 to determine how experiences in child care relate to cognitive and language development (Ns varied between 595 and 856, depending on the assessment). Multiple assessments of family and child care environments and of cognitive and language competence were collected. Analyses that adjusted for maternal vocabulary score, family income, child gender, observed quality of the home environment, and observed maternal cognitive stimulation indicated that the overall quality of child care, and language stimulation in particular, was consistently but modestly related to cognitive and language outcomes at ages 15, 24, and 36 months. The effect sizes for high (top quartile) versus low (bottom quartile) quality ranged from .18 to .48. After adjusting for child care quality, cumulative experience in center-based care was associated with better outcomes than was participation in other types of care. The amount of time children spent in care was not related to outcomes. Children in exclusive maternal care did not differ systematically from children in child care. Tests for lagged relations of earlier child care experiences to later performance (adjusting for current child care) showed that language stimulation predicted subsequent cognitive and language performance 9 to 12 months later. Although children in center care at age 3 performed better than children in other types of care, earlier experience in child care homes was associated with better performance at age 3 than was experience in other types of care. The relations of child care variables to outcomes did not vary consistently as a function of family income, quality of home environment, child gender, or ethnic group.     

Family and individual predictors of child care use by low-income families in different policy contexts

We examine family and individual characteristics that predict low-income parents’ child care use, problems with child care, and receipt of public subsidies using data from three demonstration studies testing policies to promote employment for low-income parents (primarily single mothers). The characteristics that mattered most, particularly for use of center-based care were family structure (ages and number of children), parents’ education, and personal beliefs about family and work. The effects of race and ethnicity were inconsistent suggesting that generalizations about ethnic differences in child care preferences should be viewed with caution. There was little support for the proposition that many low-income parents do not need child care assistance because they use relative care. Child care subsidies and other policies designed to reduce the cost of care and to increase parents’ employment appeared to meet the needs associated with caring for very young children and for large families and were most effective in reaching parents with relatively less consistent prior employment experience. Parents whose education and personal beliefs were consistent with a preference for center-based care were most likely to take advantage of the opportunity to choose that option and to use subsidies.     

Effects of Early and Recent Maternal Employment on Children from Low-Income Families

The effects of early maternal employment (employment during the child's first 3 years) and recent maternal employment (employment during the previous 3 years) on 189 second-grade children from low-income families were examined. Maternal employment was related to a number of selection factors. In comparison to mothers who were not employed, employed mothers scored higher on a mental aptitude test and were more highly educated. Both early and recent maternal employment were also associated with measures of the current family functioning: there was less poverty and higher HOME environment scores when mothers were employed. Hierarchical multiple regressions showed that children's math achievement was positively predicted by early maternal employment and children's reading achievement was positively predicted by recent maternal employment, even after controlling for selection effects and current family environment. These results are discussed in terms of possible mechanisms by which maternal employment may affect children's development.     

The quality of toddler child care and cognitive skills at 24 months: Propensity score analysis results from the ECLS-B

Over half of the toddlers in the US experience routine nonparental care, but much less is known about early care than about preschool care. This study analyzed 2-year-old child care and child outcome data from the nationally representative ECLS-B sample of children born in 2001. At two-years of age, 51% of children experienced exclusive parental care, 18% relative care, 15% family child care, and 16% center care. More children in nonparental care were in medium quality care (61%) than in high quality (26%) or low quality (13%) care. Low-income children were more likely than non-low income children to be cared for by their parents and, when in care, were more often in lower quality care. The impact of toddler care quality on cognitive skills was estimated using propensity score adjustments to account for potential selection confounds due to family and child characteristics. Children's cognitive scores were higher in high or medium quality care than in low quality care, but no evidence emerged suggesting that poverty moderated the quality effects. Nevertheless, this suggests that increasing the proportion of low-income children in high quality care could reduce the achievement gap because low-income children are very unlikely to experience high quality care.     

The effects of experience of early intervention on low birth weight,premature children: The infant health and development program

This study explores individuals' experience of early intervention in two settings (the home and the child development center) and the effect of that experience on child and parental outcomes in the Infant Health and Development Program (IHDP). The IHDP was a randomized clinical trial designed to test the efficacy of educational and family support services on reducing developmental delays in low birth weight (LEW), premature infants (N = 985) during the first 3 years of life. This study focused on children in the intervention group who received at least one home visit and one day at the center each year (n = 296). Three approaches to measuring participants' experience of intervention were defined—number of contacts in the home and at the child care center (i.e., Exposure), number of activities presented per visit to the parent in the home or per day to the child at the center (i.e., Rate); and a combination of the parent's interest in the intervention activities in the home and the child's mastery of the intervention tasks taught at the center (i.e., Active Experience). More substantial contributions to both child IQ and the HOME scores at age 3 were found with the Active Experience approach than with the Exposure or the Rate approach, after controlling for initial background variables, family socioeconomic status, children's initial IQ, and parental cognitive ability. Further, a high level of Active Experience from both the parent and the child was associated with higher IQ scores at ages 1, 2, and 3 and higher HOME scores at age 3 than was found when only a high level of Active Experience from only the parent or the child, or neither, was involved. Implications for future intervention programs are discussed.     

Regulation,subsidy receipt and provider characteristics: What predicts quality in child care homes?

Far less is known about predictors of quality for family child care homes than for child care centers. The current study of 120 randomly-selected family child care providers in four Midwestern states examined distal, state policy-level variables (family child care regulations and the concentration of children cared for who received public child care subsidies, referred to as subsidy density), and proximal, provider-level variables (providers’ level of education and reported annual training hours) as influences on global quality and caregiver sensitivity. More regulation, lower subsidy density, higher levels of provider education and more training hours were associated with higher global quality in family child care homes. Lower subsidy density and higher provider education were associated with more sensitive caregiving, but no effects on sensitivity were observed for regulation and training hours. An interaction effect indicated that regulation moderated the relation between education and sensitivity; education was especially important for sensitive caregiving among providers low in regulation. In addition, after including all predictor variables in the model, significant mean differences between states were noted. Findings demonstrate that both policy-level variables and provider characteristics influence quality in family child care homes, and further, that they may interact to affect observed child care quality. Implications for state child care policies are discussed with emphasis on implications for quality of care for low-income children whose tuition is paid by public child care subsidies.     

Home environment and school performance: a ten-year follow-up and examination of three models of environmental action

The home environments of 42 10- and 11-year-old children were examined when they were infants and again during middle childhood. Significant correlations were observed between home environments measured at both 2 years and 10 years and the children's SRA achievement test scores and their classroom behavior. However, the home environment at 6 months was only related to a limited number of classroom behaviors. Partial correlations were used to test 3 models of environmental action: Model I (primacy of early experience), Model II (predominance of the contemporary environment), Model III (cumulative effects in stable environments). Strongest relations were noted for the contemporary environment, but all 3 models received some support. Correlations between HOME scores and children's competence in middle childhood revealed a complex portrait that was not explainable with reference to a single model of environmental action. The version of the HOME Inventory used with families of elementary school children is also introduced.     

Variations in early child care: Do they predict subsequent social, emotional, and cognitive differences?

A sample of 236 predominantly middle class 8-year-olds from a state with minimal child care standards were examined for possible differences associated with earlier child care histories. In comparison to children in part-time child care (less than 30 hours a week) or exclusive maternal care, children with more extensive child care experiences since infancy were rated by teachers and parents as having more poor peer relationships, work habits, and emotional health, and as being more difficult to discipline. In this minimal standard environment, extensive infant care was also associated with more negative nominations from classmates, poorer academic and conduct report card grades, and lower standardized test scores. In stepwise regressions that included family social class, parents' marital status, family size, number of family moves, child gender, childbirth order, and current after school care, children's extensive experience in infant care was the single best predictor (in a negative direction) of ratings by parents, teachers, and peers, and of report card grades and standardized test scores. Child care history continued to be a significant negative predictor of child outcomes in full regression models that incorporated child and family variables. These results are in marked contrast with Andersson's (1989) findings of positive social and cognitive development associated with early, extensive child care in Sweden (a country characterized by high child care standards and opportunities for paid parental leave during early infancy).     

Mixed-Age Interactions in Family Child Care

Preschool-age children's experiences within the mixed-age setting of family child care homes and the influences of these experiences on development were examined. Development variables included social and cognitive play, and receptive and expressive language. Consistent with Vygotsky's developmental theory, children's interactions with mixed-age peers were more powerful predictors of development than the mere availability of mixed-age peers. Interactions with older peers were associated with more complex cognitive play behaviors. Interactions with younger and same-age peers were associated with less complex social and cognitive play and lower receptive language scores. Characteristics of the child care setting appeared to moderate children's behavior in the mixed-age environment. Children in higher quality family child care homes with responsive caregivers were less likely to interact with younger children. No evidence was found of different developmental outcomes across developmental domains for older versus younger children.     

The role of environment in the development of reading skills: a longitudinal study of preschool and school-age measures

The purpose of this study was to extend previous studies on the influence of environmental measures on intelligence scores by examining how proximal and distal measures of children's environments in the preschool period and in the primary-grade period are related to their performance on reading achievement tests. Reading performance was explored using two approaches. The first approach involved the identification of children within a longitudinal sample who had poor reading skills at 8 years of age. The second approach used the full range of reading scores to explore whether factors influencing poor reading were different from those influencing good reading. Participants were 113 children, including 35 children with poor reading skills, who were part of a longitudinal study of cognitive development. Socioeconomic status (SES), Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment (HOME) scores at 3 and 10 years of age, and school-administered and individually administered reading achievement scores were obtained. Both SES and HOME scores were found to be related to reading abilities, but preschool environment measures were more strongly and consistently related to and predictive of reading scores. Differences in the patterns of correlations and the results of the predictive models were found between the full sample and the poor readers. Variables other than proximal and distal measures of the environment are involved in the development of reading skills.     

Toddlers' and Preschoolers' Experience in Family Day Care: Age Differences and Behavioral Correlates

One hundred and twelve children, 56 toddlers and 56 preschoolers, were observed in their family child care settings to determine whether toddlers cared for in settings that also included preschoolers were, relative to the preschoolers, receiving more or less high-quality care and/or whether their functioning at child care appeared to be more or less dependent on aspects of the care providers’ interactions with the children. Quality of care was analyzed along two dimensions: sensitive/supportive care and structured care. Four indices of child functioning at child care were examined: integration in social activities, attention, positive mood, and angry/aggressive behavior. Results indicate that toddlers received less sensitive, supportive care than preschoolers in these mixed-age settings and toddlers were less socially integrated and less engaged in activities in the child care setting. Preschoolers displayed increased levels of angry/aggressive behavior relative to toddlers. In addition, associations of care provider behaviors and child functioning were larger for toddlers than preschoolers, suggesting that toddlers were more dependent on caregiver support for more successful functioning in these family child care settings. For both toddlers and preschoolers, care provider behavior and child functioning was generally poorer in settings with more children.     

The relationship between infant day care and socio-emotional development with French children aged 3–4 years

Early day care has been implicated as a risk factor for socio-emotional development. Research findings are not clear. Day care is extensively used in France from infancy onwards and the diverse range of care provides an opportunity for research addressing this issue. 125 children who had diverse day care experience in the first 3 years of life were studied at 3–4 years of age when they were at nursery school. Maternal interviews provided data on day care histories, and family characteristics. Maternal and teacher questionnaires provided data on child temperament and social behaviour. An observation of children’s behaviour during stranger approach/mother separation/reunion sequence provided data on attachment-related behaviours. The child’s socio-emotional development was considered as a function of sex, day care characteristics and family characteristics.     

Early childhood care: relations with family characteristics and preferred care characteristics

Using data from the National Household Education Survey of 1995, this paper links family income, ethnicity, and child’s age to child care characteristics such as type of setting, hours spent in nonparental care, and number of care arrangements. Findings indicate that children from families with incomes that are at least twice the poverty threshold are more likely than other children to be in nonparental care and generally spend more hours in nonparental care. Ethnicity, not poverty, is related to use of relative-care; Black infants and toddlers are more likely to be in relative-care than White or Hispanic infants and toddlers, regardless of poverty status. Few income, ethnicity, or age differences emerged in analyses of characteristics parents prefer in the selection of type of care. The type of care a family uses is related to the extent to which the family values a setting that will care for sick children and values having a care provider with training.