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The significance of sport, especially mega sport events, has been widely acknowledged as contributing to the development of nationalism and national identity.1?1. Alan Bairner, Sport, Nationalism and Globalization: European and North American Perspectives (New York: Suny Press, 2001). The use of the National Games by the nationalist government to promote Chinese nationalism and manage national identity in the Republic of China from 1910 to 1948 is examined in this paper. It begins with an interpretation of how Western sport was introduced to China, how China achieved its sovereignty of sport and how sport aided national salvation and nation-building. It examines the birth and the development of Chinese National Games, and the interplays of National Games and nationalism in the context of political and economic perspectives. It concludes that the promotion of National Games met the demands of China's national salvation and the principles of Chinese nationalism such as sovereignty, territorial integrity and patriotic sentiments. The National Games in the Republican China era played a role that was more than that of a sport event but one of shaping Chinese independent nationhood and national identity.  相似文献   

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At the turn of the twentieth century, two brothers started a professional ice hockey league in the Canadian Pacific Northwest. Their league would go on to challenge for the supremacy of the sport, and its franchises won on several occasions. By bringing hockey to the region, the Patrick brothers helped spread a popular Canadian cultural pastime to a region where it did not exist before thus making them cultural entrepreneurs.  相似文献   

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Using images drawn from a number of media, this article explores how and why the Soviet government encouraged women to take up sport prior to World War II. It is suggested that the regime had three goals in mind: to strengthen the military preparedness of the country, to improve the productivity of its workers, and to further the acceptance of new, more ideologically correct, forms of leisure. These goals offer a striking contrast with movements in Western Europe and North America, where women's participation in sport was heavily connected with their roles as wives and mothers.  相似文献   

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Studies of the relationships between sport and nationalism have often overlooked how different sports may depict alternative expressions of nationalism. This paper examines how social, cultural and political ideas associated with nationalism and national autonomy in Scotland touched the sport of shinty between 1887 and 1928. During this period, the transformation of shinty from a traditional folk game to a modern sport was consolidated within Scottish Highland society. The paper probes some of the ways that shinty was contoured by, and connected to wider social, cultural and political circumstances of the period. Three strands are considered in the analysis: (i) the place of shinty as a conduit for aspirations of national autonomy, (ii) the different expressions of nationalism in Scotland that oscillated on the landscape of culture and politics and (iii) the connections between shinty and Gaelic sports in Ireland, and the relationship with expressions of nationalism. The analysis is developed using the concepts of national autonomy and civil society. These conceptual components help to probe how shinty symbolised alternative aspirations and expressions of nationalism between 1887 and 1928.  相似文献   

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The month of February 2015 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of the Sports Council. Despite its central role in sports governance in Britain, the advisory Council of 1965 and its successor bodies have received little attention from historians. This article assesses the early history of the Sports Council, using primary material such as National Archive papers and memoirs by practitioners to focus attention particularly on the period of Margaret Thatcher’s premiership in the 1980s. The pre-1979 Council commanded widespread respect, and the article explores how and why it became beleaguered thereafter, attributing this to a combination of ideological distrust as ‘Thatcherism’ gained in strength, shortcomings on the part of the Council itself and parochial in-fighting among leading sports bodies. By the mid-1980s the Council was under scrutiny as never before, some in the political and sporting world questioning whether it had a viable future. Although it survived to fight another day, the confidence and momentum of earlier years became a thing of the past and the way was opened up for a major overhaul of sports administration to be carried out in the 1990s.  相似文献   

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Lim Peng Han 《国际体育史杂志》2018,35(12-13):1217-1237
Abstract

The Singapore Football Association (SFA) was founded in 1892. In 1904, the YMCA initiated the first football league with 12 teams from military and European clubs and School Old Boys’ teams. The first phase from 1904 to 1913 was restricted to European and Eurasian only. The military teams won six out of the nine tournaments. The second phase of the league began in 1917 and from 1921 to 1941. The Straits Chinese Football Association (SCFA) took part in the league and the rejuvenated SFA included a representative from the SCFA. The Singapore Football League started with two divisions 1921 and participating teams from the SCFA in the same year and the Malaya Football Association (MFA) in 1924. The SCFA won the league for the first time in 1925 and subsequently in 1930, 1937, and 1938. In 1929, the SFA was renamed the Singapore Amateur Football Association (SAFA). The MFA won the League for the first time in 1931, and the first local team to win three years in succession from 1931 to 1933. From 1931 to 1941 the local teams won seven league titles out of 11. By 1940 the League grew with 44 teams in three divisions.  相似文献   

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In contrast with the Netherlands’ status as a sports nation, academic articles on Dutch sports history are scarce. In this paper, we would like to establish a ‘textual’ basis for further research. By means of a large-scale digital analysis, we have been able to depict important phases in the Dutch ‘sportification process’. Sport gradually infiltrated Dutch society: first it was mentioned as an English word in bilingual dictionaries, translated literature and ego documents. Then, English sports were described in recreational education books. Indeed, from 1845 onwards, English teachers at Dutch elite schools played an important role in the actual practising of English sports such as cricket, hockey and football. Together with the founding of sports clubs, specific sports manuals were published. Finally, via the introduction of sports sections in general newspapers, sport (as term) was widely diffused in society. Hence, in 1910, Luitje Van Der Wal was the first to translate the English word sport as ‘sport’ in K. Ten Bruggencate’s Engelsch Woordenboek. To be sure, this sportification process did not please everyone. There were warnings about the negative aspects that the adoption of English sports would create. Nonetheless, even traditional Dutch activities became sportified in a modern way.  相似文献   

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This research is part of a larger phenomenon about the diffusion and transmission of football in various British colonies, particularly in Asia. After the British occupied the Straits Settlements of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore and enforced indirect rule in the Federated Malay States of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang and Unfederated Malay States of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, and Trengganu and Johore, they established sports clubs and played football. They also introduced the game to the Malay, Chinese, Eurasian, Indian, and Sikh communities. In 1921, the British donated the HMS Malaya Cup for football. The inaugural football league consisted of seven colony or state teams and players from the European and local communities. During the first decade (1921–1930), two outstanding European and six local players were highlighted. By the end of next 11 years (1931–1941), 10 teams took part in the competition. During this period, 10 outstanding players emerged from the local communities. Singapore appeared in all 21?Cup finals winning 12 times and drew twice. Selangor was 14 times finalists winning four times and drew twice. Perak won twice out of three final appearances. Kedah and Penang were losing finalists 1940 and 1941, respectively.  相似文献   

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This research reveals an unexplored aspect of Argentina’s sport policy-making process during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Contrary to the common assumption that little attention was paid to sport by early twentieth-century politicians, several bills proposing institutional support for the promotion and organization of national sport were presented in the Argentinean legislature. In order to support these proposals, many legislators resorted to medical and physiological discourse as the most important legitimizing force. Poverty, poor hygiene, and epidemic diseases, generated by rapid modernization and urbanization, urged some turn-of-the-century Argentine political elites to attempt a degree of social intervention within the general framework of the liberal-conservative order, as a way to counteract these evils and further advance the national progress enjoyed since the nineteenth century. In this context, sport was ardently advocated by some politicians as a means to raise scientifically the physical and moral constitution of the ‘Argentinean race’.  相似文献   

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The aim of this study was to examine the physiological demands and movement patterns of female basketball players after changes in the rules of the game. Nine varsity players were studied during nine official games. Each game was videotaped to identify the frequencies of the main movements performed, heart rate was recorded continuously, and blood samples were collected to determine blood lactate concentration when the competition rules allowed. The main results showed that the players performed on average 652 ± 128 movements per game, which corresponded to a change in activity every 2.82 s. Mean heart rate was 165 ± 9 beats · min?1 (89.1% of maximum heart rate) for total time and 170 ± 8 beats · min?1 (92.5% of maximum) for live time. Mean blood lactate concentration was 5.2 ± 2.7 mmol · l?1 (55.9% of maximum blood lactate concentration). In addition, heart rates were significantly higher in the first half than the second half of games. These results indicate: (1) a greater physiological load compared with previous studies on female players tested before the rules modification (Beam & Merrill, 1994 Beam, W. C. and Merrill, T. L. 1994. Analysis of heart rates recorded during female collegiate basketball (abstract). Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 26: S66[Crossref] [Google Scholar]; McArdle et al., 1971 McArdle, W., Magel, J. and Kyvallos, L. 1971. Aerobic capacity, heart rate, and estimated energy cost during women's competitive basketball. Research Quarterly, 42: 178186. [PubMed], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]) and (2) lower movement frequencies compared with male players competing under modern rules (Ben Abdelkrim et al., 2007 Ben Abdelkrim, N. B., El Fazaa, S. and El Ati, J. 2007. Time–motion analysis and physiological data of elite under-19-year-old basketball players during competition. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 41: 6975. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]). These observations must be taken into account by coaches and conditioning specialists working with female players.  相似文献   

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This essay examines media coverage of five Stanley Cup hockey championship series played between hockey clubs based in Winnipeg and Montreal from 1899 to 1903. Coverage of the Winnipeg–Montreal challenges contributed significantly to the growth of a Canadian ‘hockey world’ – and a broader ‘world of sport’ – during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. First, press reports and telegraph re-enactments linked fans in Winnipeg and Montreal together. At the same time, newspapers in other Canadian centres provided coverage of Stanley Cup matches. As the media constructed a shared sports information system throughout Canada, people were drawn into a wide-ranging community of interest centred on sport. Telegraph bulletins, in particular, gave fans a strong sense of participation in games that were being played in other places. By 1903, Stanley Cup hockey challenges had become ‘national’ Canadian events, followed by audiences across the country through news stories and ‘live’ telegraph reconstructions.  相似文献   

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