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1.
2022年北京冬奥会的筹办和举办面临复杂的社会历史情境。通过实证分析发现,西方国家媒体对2014年索契、2018年平昌冬奥会的报道潜运了二元叙事结构以及"意识形态偏见""国家利益竞争""人道主义"等报道框架,干预了2届冬奥会的认知图景和全球想象。据此提出2022年北京冬奥会全球传播的5项基本原则:减轻政治负载;管理认知预期;传播主体多元化;在对话中寻求共识;善用新媒体平台。  相似文献   

2.
In general, women are well represented among sport participants and sport audiences but not in the media. Data show that women's sport is greatly underreported and trivialized in newspapers. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to measure press coverage during the 2000 Summer Olympic Games in the largest circulating Belgian, Danish, French, and Italian daily newspapers by: (a) number of articles, (b) size, (c) page placement, (d) accompanying photographs, and (e) photograph size. For each sport covered, the athletes' nationality and the gender were recorded. Compared to the 1996 Atlanta Games, there was an increase of 326 female athletes (+4%), and women competed in 25 sports and 132 events (44%) of the total 300 events. Although only 29.3% of the articles and 38% of photos were on women's sports, the newspaper coverage was similar to the distribution of participating athletes and events. No significant gender differences were found with respect to article size, page placement, accompanying photographs, or photograph size. The most covered sport was track and field, independent of national achievement. Other sports received different coverage in relation to national expectations, achievement, and participation. In conclusion, there was a trend to overcome gender inequities in media coverage during the Olympic Games, which may be due to the International Olympic Committee's actions to promote increased participation of women in sport activities and to publicize their achievements. Moreover, during the Olympic Games, a nationalistic fervor might affect the equality of gender coverage.  相似文献   

3.
In general, women are well represented among sport participants and sport audiences but not in the media. Data show that women's sport is greatly underreported and trivialized in newspapers. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to measure press coverage during the 2000 Summer Olympic Games in the largest circulating Belgian, Danish, French, and Italian daily newspapers by: (a) number of articles, (b) size, (c) page placement, (d) accompanyingphotographs, and (e) photograph size. For each sport covered, the athletes' nationality and the gender were recorded. Compared to the 1996 Atlanta Games, there was an increase of 326 female athletes (+4 %), and women competed in 25 sports and 132 events (44 %) of the total 300 events. Although only 29.3 % of the articles and 38 % of photos were on women 's sports, the newspaper coverage was similar to the distribution of participating athletes and events. No significant gender differences were found with respect to article size, page placement, accompanying photographs, or photograph size. The most covered sport was track and field, independent of national achievement. Other sports received different coverage in relation to national expectations, achievement, and participation. In conclusion, there was a trend to overcome gender inequities in media coverage during the Olympic Games, which may be due to the International Olympic Committee's actions to promote increased participation of women in sport activities and to publicize their achievements. Moreover, during the Olympic Games, a nationalistic fervor might affect the equality of gender coverage.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

Over the last three centuries (nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first) humanity has been facing huge political and ideological conflicts, especially wars. For these reasons, it was seen how necessary it was to create global institutions that aimed to promote peace and reduce or stop conflicts of this magnitude. Therefore, an international institution had already brought on its premises the principles of international peace and reconciliation through sport: the International Olympic Committee (IOC). However, despite bringing together nations around peaceful ties in an international competition, the IOC and the Olympic Games event have always been affected by constant conflicts along their path in the twentieth century, emphasizing issues involving nationalities. Thereby, in a mediator posture of international conflicts and in an effort to reduce the subversions that surrounded it, the IOC, in the 1990s, created the delegation of Independent Olympic Athletes. Such a delegation consists of athletes who cannot represent their respective nationalities at the Olympics due to political factors and/or armament conflicts. This proposal of the IOC demonstrates its posture to avoid, minimize, and even cease ideological and political events that might interfere with the Olympics Games or the athletes participating in them.  相似文献   

5.
Behind the shadows of an Olympiad replete with tales of Cold War acrimony and lavish commercial excess, emerges South Africa's bureaucratic attempt to achieve readmission to the Olympic Movement prior to the 1984 Los Angeles Games. In the backdrop of the Reagan administration's conciliatory policy of ‘constructive engagement’ towards Pretoria, the all-white South African National Olympic Committee aspired to cease its two-decade-long sporting isolation in the southern California metropolis. Drawing upon archival materials from the International Olympic Studies Center and public debates in the leading national and sporting newspapers and periodicals of the time, this paper will detail and analyse how International Olympic Committee president Juan Antonio Samaranch was forced to navigate a tight political tightrope over the South African issue. Any concession towards Pretoria would have likely agitated the African-bloc nations – a powerful constituency on the IOC with a proclivity for boycotting Olympic Games – as well as the global-nexus of anti-apartheid groups that vehemently opposed South Africa's participation in Los Angeles.  相似文献   

6.
Since its independence in 1946, Syria has fielded a team for every summer Olympic competition except 1956, yet has won only three Olympic medals. In contrast with its smaller, higher-powered neighbour Lebanon, its participation at the Olympics has been consistent but limited, with the country making little impact internationally. Yet the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympics reflects key elements of its political and social history: its ambitious but short-lived partnership with Egypt, the Baathist-supported promotion of women as athletes and head of the National Olympic Committee and its commitment to participation in the vexed but ideologically important Pan-Arab Games. This article uses official International Olympic Committee publications and related press coverage to examine the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympic Games, the Mediterranean Games and the Pan-Arab Games. It argues that Syria's participation was initially important not for its medal count but for the ‘sign of statehood' that membership in the Olympic community conferred, and that its participation in regional games supported Syria's political positions as a Baathist, Arab republic. It concludes by contending that these political commitments have renewed salience as the conflict in Syria that began in March 2011 continues, and the country's participation in Olympic and regional games becomes increasingly politicised.  相似文献   

7.
从奥运会与政治的相互依存关系入手,对奥运会的政治化预期进行了分析。结果表明,现代奥运会具有隐含与有限的政治活动预期,奥运会组织与管理者应通过重构赛事文化和优化管理水平对赛事进行政治预期管理,从而巩固和加强赛事的政治影响有限性预期。  相似文献   

8.
Hailed as the flagship of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) strategy regarding young people, the organising of the Youth Olympic Games (YOG) was approved by the IOC in 2007 and Singapore was subsequently selected as the first host city for the summer YOG. Although the YOG is going to be the first new event the IOC has staged since the 1924 winter Olympic Games, its novelty may not be as radical as first impressions may suggest. This paper charts the chronological development of the YOG through a broad overview of little-known Youth Olympic Festivals, which the YOG is reported to be modelled after, and traces the political/economical/ideological contexts for the conception of the YOG. Despite being the latest addition to the Olympics family, the YOG is not spared from conflicts and tensions which inundated the Olympic Games. This paper aims to exemplify the range of debates presented by the launch of the YOG and contribute to the literature examining the opportunities and challenges presented by the launch of the YOG.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

The Olympic Games of the modern era are powerful global mediated events. Olympic cities receive an overwhelming examination by world media. As the 2016 Olympic host, Rio de Janeiro has been given an enormous amount of attention, both by the international media and researchers who looked at the urban spaces of Rio, the struggles over the hegemony of the city and the social meanings the Olympics bring to the host city’s citizens. However, studies over the historical relationship between Rio, sport and media are rare. This paper addresses the historical uses of the term Olympic by Brazilian media during the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. By looking at the main articles in the newspapers of these periods, we examine the extent to which ideologies over sports have changed the way the Olympics were represented in Brazil’s national imaginary. We demonstrate how the use of expressions associated with the Olympics historically generated a closer appreciation of these events by the public. We also show how political authorities appropriated the Olympics for their own benefit. The paper concludes by asking whether or not the historical lessons from the early Olympic ideas in Brazil have been learned by the 2016 Rio Games organizers.  相似文献   

10.
民族主义是支撑民族国家参与奥林匹克运动的政治基础,也是冲击奥林匹克运动独立性的介入力量;奥运会是超级大国彰显民族控制力、民族自豪感的舞台,也是中小国家加强民族认同、形成民族凝聚力的手段。奥林匹克运动在与民族主义的交互演进中努力实现自身的理想,应科学看待2008年奥运会和中国民族主义的互动关系。  相似文献   

11.
In November 2013, local citizens of Munich and the surrounding districts voted in a referendum against a city’s bid for the 2022 Winter Olympic Games. Since this is but one example of such a failed referendum—others being the ones in Poland, Switzerland and Austria—it is astonishing that it seems to become common practice to conduct public polls regarding the bid for a mega sport event. The city of Hamburg, for instance, will be the next German city to hold a referendum on its bid for the 2024 Olympic Games in November 2015. Against this backdrop, we introduce the ‘Arenatheoretical Model’ into mega event research and conduct a qualitative content analysis of the media coverage on the Munich referendum. Three nationwide German newspapers were analysed as the model suggests that this coverage has a profound influence on the public opinion in other parts of the country. The aim was to identify arguments brought forward to explain the outcome of the referendum. Besides a number of other issues, such as concerns regarding event legacy and regional matters, major findings stress the significance of a damaged brand image of international sport organisations and ‘their’ events. Based on these insights, a number of implications can be derived for other cities/nations and sport organisations that depend on a favourable public opinion in their efforts to stage a mega sport event.  相似文献   

12.
从现代奥运会一百余年的历史发展分析,奥运会财政投入模式主要分为政府投入、私人投入和结合型投入3种方式,这3种模式也是政府与市场在奥林匹克发展中的矛盾集中体现。研究发现:政府包办和私人部门市场运作两种奥运会投入模式各有利弊,单纯一种力量不足以办好规模宏大的现代奥运会,政府与市场二者结合的投入模式,才能使奥运会的政治、经济、社会效益得到更好的发挥。  相似文献   

13.
Most scholarship about improprieties surrounding Olympic host city selections starts with the Salt Lake City scandal, which television reporters broke in 1998, after which more details emerged revealing similar actions by previous Olympic hosts (as well as unsuccessful bid committees). Yet, the actions of these post-Los Angeles bid committees were not new, with local newspapers from the cities bidding for Games in the 1960s regularly reporting on significant amounts of money bid committees spent in the hope of winning the Games. The actions of the candidate cities for the 1968 Olympic Games went to great lengths to secure the Games. IOC efforts to impose regulations in response to these actions failed to yield significant changes on candidate cities. These examples from the 1960s demonstrate that the bribery of Nagano, Sydney, and Salt Lake City did not start from nowhere. Instead, the IOC long had a culture of improprieties when it came to selecting Olympic host cities – albeit on a smaller scale.  相似文献   

14.
现代奥运报道对奥林匹克精神的异化与背离   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6       下载免费PDF全文
奥运会报道历来被称为“奥运第二战场”,全世界数十亿公众都是通过媒体来了解奥运会。从某种角度来说,历届奥运会都是“媒体制造”,但媒介奥运与真实的奥运之间存在着一定的距离。现代奥运报道对奥林匹克精神的异化与背离主要表现在以下几点:狭隘的民族主义和强烈的政治化倾向,与奥林匹克的和平精神背离,金牌至上、总以成败论英雄与奥林匹克的参与精神相悖,商业气息严重与奥林匹克公正精神背离。构建奥运与媒体的和谐关系,回归奥林匹克精神本质是应对之策。  相似文献   

15.
以中国武术国际化传播为研究对象,试图通过对奥林匹克运动发展中所推行的一系列关于奥林匹克运动理念的相关内容进行分析,寻求中国武术国际化传播中的理念缺失这一核心问题.注重奥林匹克运动理念的传播是其实现国际化传播的成功之处,而偏重技术的"体育竞技化"改造,忽略"自身的文化主体性"构建是中国武术国际化传播进程缓慢的主要原因.总结并提出中国武术的国际化发展过程中存在着理念的缺失这一问题.  相似文献   

16.
国际奥委会新一轮改革蓝本《奥林匹克2020议程》中,围绕"城市与奥林匹克运动"提出了颇具反转、颠覆意味的重大设想,同时也是对"无城来办"现实危机的被动应答。"无城来办",是现代城市开始后现代变革下,奥运会与之不相适应的矛盾体现。这种矛盾于多方面影射:城市规划的集约化与奥运会超大规模之间的矛盾;城市空间的公共化与奥运空间排他性之间的矛盾;城市民生的实际期许与奥运会政治经济宏大设想之间的矛盾;城市生活的休闲化与奥运会工业文明逻辑之间的矛盾。因而,未来奥运会应观望城市风向,跟进城市变化,主动而积极地进行调整与适应,才是实现奥林匹克运动可持续发展的重要路向。  相似文献   

17.
选取体育新闻报道中两大专业报纸官方的《中国体育报》和民营的《体坛周报》,并以这两大报纸中有关伦敦奥运会的报道为例,以话语理论为研究视角。通过对奥运报道的文本分析,对比官方和民营体育报纸关于奥运会的体育新闻报道,从话语体系研究,分析其体育新闻报道的风格特点,为读者的选择提供指导意义。  相似文献   

18.
2000年悉尼奥运会志愿者的启示   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
采用文献资料、逻辑分析等研究方法,详细介绍了悉尼奥运会志愿者服务与组织管理过程,总结了悉尼奥运会志愿者成功的经验,旨在为2008年北京奥运会志愿者建设提供参考。  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

The 1936 Olympic Games are considered to be the explicit union of sports and politics. Many studies have analysed the accomplishments of Jesse Owens at Hitler’s Olympics. However, football provides another collision between sports and politics at the same Olympic Games, which also impacts the debate regarding the relationship between sports and politics. That relationship is rarely studied. Football had been out of the Olympic programme of the 1932 Los Angeles Games and returned to the programme for the 1936 Berlin Games. However, on its return there was an incident in the match between Peru and Austria in the second round of the tournament. It all started when a spectator invaded the field and kicked an Austrian athlete. The match was restarted and Peru won the game in overtime. After the game the Austrians formalized a protest and FIFA set up a European committee to review the case. Through historical analysis, from official documents and newspapers of that time, this episode showed two points: that FIFA was a Eurocentric entity; and that sports and politics go together, after all, since in the rescheduled new game, Peru, as a protest and in a demand for dignity, withdrew its entire delegation from the Olympic Games.  相似文献   

20.
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea participated in the 2012 Summer Olympics in London with 51 athletes. They won a total of six medals and finished 20th in the overall medal table. However, most observers of the London 2012 Olympics will not remember North Korea's athletic successes but the flag blunder that kicked the Games off with a diplomatic row. On the first day, the South Korean flag was accidentally displayed next to the faces of the North Korean women's football team on the stadium's huge screen. Although there have been several flag controversies and blunders in the context of the Olympic Games, this incident must be considered as one of the most embarrassing and high-profile as, technically, North and South Korea are still at war having signed only an armistice at the end of the Korean War in 1953. This paper deals with three interrelated issues: first, it outlines the development of inter-Korean political and sporting relations since the 2008 Beijing Olympics before, second, it focuses on the political significance of the 2012 London Games. Third, it summarises key themes and ideological messages emerging from a qualitative analysis of the state-controlled North Korean media coverage of the 2012 Olympics. The Korean Central News Agency appears to pursue a dual strategy: it aims to increase the popularity of outstanding North Korean athletes and create home-grown stars, and also attempts to encourage an alternative discourse about the country abroad. All these issues need to be analysed in wider context of significant political changes in both Koreas, particularly in the North, where Kim Jong-un, who came to power in December 2011, has started to carve out a distinct identity and forge his own leadership style.  相似文献   

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