晚清政府对朝政策研究

晚清时期,中朝两国均受到资本主义列强的侵略,传统的宗藩关系面临着外来势力的挑战。清政府为维系中朝宗藩关系,保障中国领土安全,多次制定并调整对朝政策。初以“消极干预和放任自保”方针为主,转而又采取“以夷制夷”政策,随着日俄在朝的势力扩张,清朝政府最终走向对朝内政外交的全面干涉。伴随着这一系列政策的实施,中朝宗藩关系也由松动走向解体。     

新时期中国外交“落差”与战略创新

未来十年将是中国战略机遇期的"新阶段",但也应认识到机遇与挑战并存,且相互交织与转化,机遇期也将是风险期。当前,中国外交存在五大"落差":对中国实际国力的认知落差,对中国外交的评价落差,对外工作传统做法与新形势的落差,资源手段与外部环境压力需求的落差,对外工作战略谋划、体制机制与当前客观形势的落差。对此,要认清形势,积极调整对外战略。在定位上,坚守"发展中社会主义大国"身份不动摇;在原则上,统筹内外两个大局,兼顾韬光养晦与有所作为,充实和平发展;在布局上,突出重点,聚焦周边;在手段与资源配置上,扬长"补"短,双管齐下;在实施上,抓紧推出对外"大战略",强化"大外交"与"大安全"统筹协调机制;统筹内外,多管齐下,有的放矢,加快对外传播能力建设。     

呈现与影响:中国驻欧盟使团的社交媒体公共外交效果初析

<正>一般而言,公共外交是指一个国际行为主体通过与他国公众互动,进而影响国际环境的活动。~①与主权国家之间的传统外交相比,一国的公共外交活动所针对的是他国公众,通常以教育、文化、信息交流等形式,与他国公众形成互动,影响他国公众对本国的认知、态度与行为,最终影响他国的对外政策。近几年,伴随着互联网技术及其     

企业公共外交怎么做?

正伴随"走出去"战略尤其是"一带一路"倡议的大力实施,中国对外投资正处于急剧增长的通道,企业海外投资也日益成为中国国际存在及其国际形象的重要组成部分。如何通过企业公共外交增进中国国家形象进而提升中国国际话语权正成为当今中国外交的重要课题。企业公共外交就是一国企业为了改变外国公众观念、塑造自我良好国际形象而开展的信息、知识和价值传播活动。与传统单纯的企业公关不同,企业公共外交的建构与实施基于     

引智、借力与谋势:中国外交的“战略转进”与智库对外传播

环顾当今世界,地缘板块之变、国家转型之痛、发展方式之争、力量重组之显、有效治理之难无不表明全球政治再平衡时代的到来。中国外交要实现从安全外交、发展外交向立体的大国外交转变,进取精神殊为必要,但这种"进取"若缺乏相应的"转型"跟进配合,则注定行之不远。因此,中国外交要尽快实现兼具进取意识和必要转型的"战略转进"。从观念、手段和人才而言,中国施展全球性大国外交的"战略储备"仍显不足。智库汇聚各方精英,是联结智力、财力、权力、影响力的重要纽带。中国应充分利用世界知名智库的人才资源、专业优势和研究成果,深化智库交往。智库交往既要重视"面"和"线",也要着眼于"点",对有潜力的"新生代"力量要进行量体裁衣式的交往。通过智库传播和交往苦练内功,加强自身能力建设,提高智库外交的深度、广度、精度和效度。     

新时代对俄元首外交的话语修辞艺术

党的十八大以来,"元首外交"成为新时代中国特色大国外交的全新引领方式。元首外交即通过国家元首或者政府首脑,直接出面以多种方式参与和处理对外事务的外交活动,作为"国际交往的最高形态,有着其他交往无法替代的重要作用和战略价值"。①截至2019年6月,作为国家元首的习近平主席自2013年以来8次访问俄罗斯,同俄罗斯总统普京在双边和多边场合会晤近30次,开创当代国际关系中元首外交新高度,开启了中俄两国全面战略协作伙伴关系的新时代。     

西方媒体炒作中国“疫苗外交”的主要论调与应对

2020年下半年以来,西方媒体抨击中国搞"疫苗外交"的声音不绝于耳。西方媒体涉所谓中国"疫苗外交"的报道基调总体偏负面,但其中也有一些中性、甚至是正面的观点。此类报道常常将"疫苗外交"置于竞争语境中,并且用贴标签和添加背景来"坐实"中国搞"疫苗外交"。此外,这类报道覆盖领域之广达到无孔不入的地步,西方智库学者、政客、媒体还通过"三方共振""带节奏"来放大对中国的指责声音。在对外报道中,应注意有针对性地回应西方媒体的疑惑和指责,把握关键节点和关键人物表态,为出现个别疫苗事件做好预案,多报道客观事实,避免调门过高。     

言论集纳

<正>北京大学国际关系学院教授、国际战略研究院院长王缉思在2014年第10期《当代世界》刊发的《中美对新型大国关系的认知差异及中国对美政策》一文中认为,构建中美新型大国关系,两国间最大的分歧集中在"相互尊重"这个问题上。对于中方关于相互尊重的提议,美未予正面回应,这反映出两国在文化传统、价值观念和利益取向方面的巨大差异。在中国的政治与外交话语体系中,"互相尊重主权和领土完整"是国     

当代中国民间外交的错位及其解决思路

国家之间的交往,最重要且能够持久的,既不是经济与贸易,也不是投资,更不是高层领导人的互访,而是人民之间的交往和人民之间心灵的沟通。民间外交作为"最后一公里"对于政府外交的主干道的影响正在空前加大,甚至从某种意义上来讲,它已经在相当程度上决定了政府外交的落地实效。我们的对外传播应追求"民相亲、心相通",通过民间力量发出中国声音。从近几年中国民间外交的实践来看,虽然已经取得了巨大的成绩,但仍存在身份错位、对象错位以及途径失衡等现象,中国的民间外交需要打开新思路,寻找新方向。要注重发挥民间力量在公共外交中的作用,提高民间智库影响力;要充分发挥媒体在文化交流互鉴中的渠道作用,使其成为民心相通的桥梁;要加强新媒体传播,充分利用互联网+的历史机遇,通过互联网来实现中国与所在国民间的联系与互动;还要充分重视利用中国海外企业在推进民间外交时的重要作用,将其纳入对外传播影响力与话语权建构的主体框架。     

传统“信”观念探微

"信"作为中国传统道德的一项基本观念与规范,其基本涵义是真实不妄,诚实不欺,言行一致,信守承诺。传统"信"观念体现了中国古人对真、善、美的不懈追求。具体言之,"信"的核心是哲学之"真",精髓是道德之"善",结果是人格之"美"。     

巾帼风范曾宪植

晚清重臣曾国藩、曾国荃,在中国占有显赫的历史地位。然而,这个家族里的杰出女性却鲜为人知,曾宪植就是其中很值得称道的一位。她有着与生俱来的美丽和气度,有着东方女性的端庄典雅和西方女性的真率潇洒。     

To preserve or enhance precious memories: a segmented market analysis of the history museum in Singapore

This study examines the value placed on museums by patrons and non-patrons and investigates the factors that affect this valuation with a view to boost visitorship. The total economic value of Singapore’s History Museum is at least US$57 million, and this is high relative to other countries, a fact which can be used to justify increased government funding towards museums as cultural capital. Females and high income people are the target groups for increased visitation, while among the non-patrons, the ethnic majority is another potential clientele. Somewhat surprising is the finding that neither patrons nor non-patrons see the museum as having significant tourist value, and contrary to prospect theory, there is a preference for enhancing the museum’s services over keeping the museum. These findings provide some direction for the management of the museum to improve its visitor appeal.     

贺寿慈批点《陶渊明集》考述

国家图书馆藏有一部清刻本《陶渊明集》,内有墨批160余条。经考证,批点者为晚清士人贺寿慈。批点内容涉及对前人评陶之论的评价与阐发,陶诗异文、疑作,陶诗炼字炼句、立意构思,陶渊明作品间思想、意趣相通之处,陶诗与他人作品的关系,陶渊明的隐逸品格,陶渊明尚"真"的人格及审美追求,陶诗诗意、主旨的阐释等诸多方面。本文是对贺寿慈批点内容的首发性介绍,旨在揭示其对陶渊明相关问题研究的文献价值。     

Stalin's bomb: Soviet physicists and the Cold War

Revisionist historians of the nuclear age have long argued that it was not necessary to have used the atomic bombs in August 1945 to bring the Second World War to an end, and that a more conciliatory approach by the Truman administration towards the Soviet Union—being franker with Stalin about the bomb and giving him an assurance that it would not be used—would have created a better chance of achieving a less confrontational postwar relationship between the two powers. They have also challenged the myth that the reason for using the bombs was to save American lives.     

儒学走向世界之路

两千多年来 ,中国儒学一步步走向世界。秦汉时 ,经学博士将四书五经传到东亚南亚 ;唐宋时 ,朝鲜、日本诸国通过留学生获取儒经 ;明清之际 ,欧洲传教士西译出版儒学著作 ;2 0世纪以后 ,新儒家们在海外传经布道。可以预言 :走向世界的儒家文明 ,将是未来人类最耀眼的星空之一。     

信用卡与贷款中国人不再陌生

随着北京2008年奥运会的逼近，民众越来越关心“中国”品牌的树立，学习英语的热情也被点燃。越来越多的外宣干部和业内同行向我们表达了期待看到双语栏目的愿望。因此，我们自2006年第1期起开办了《双语视窗》栏目以满足广大读者的需求。 看看周围的媒体，在《北京青年报》、《参考消息》、《国门时报》上有许多精粹的小短文，像一只只啄木乌，善意地提醒了中国人习以为常的行为背后“尚未和国际接轨”的细节，读后让人回味不已。在获得借鉴意义的同时，也带来更深入的思考。我们效仿中英文对照的版面形式，旨在通过外国友人的视角来看中国，从中折射出东西方观念、习俗的异同。通过一篇篇这样的文章，让读者在领略异域文化的同时，也能达到学习英语的目的。     

Science Diplomacy Policy Processes in Comparative Perspective: The Use of Scientific Cooperation Agreements in Canada,India, Norway,and the UK

There is growing attention to science diplomacy among scholars, policymakers, and scientific associations around the world. However, there continues to be contestation around the concept of science diplomacy, currently framed alternately as a new understanding of diplomacy, part of the global challenges discourse, central to the internationalization of science, and typifying competitive innovation. This contestation is furthered by the involvement of a broad array of policy instruments and actors in science diplomacy. In response, this paper focuses on a single policy instrument, examining eight bilateral and multilateral scientific cooperation agreements led by Canada, India, Norway, and the United Kingdom. Kingdon’s multiple streams framework is employed to explain how the interplay between policy actors, the policy agenda, policy problems, and policy alternatives leads to the creation of science diplomacy policies. Across the cases, all of the current science diplomacy discourses were applicable, holding stronger explanatory power in the problem and policy streams of the policy process while not obviously matching processes seen in the political stream. The findings also identified a gap in the current framing in understanding how geopolitical dynamics impact the creation of science diplomacy policies and how different policy actors negotiate, exploit, or are subject to these forces. By stabilizing one element of the ongoing debates around science diplomacy, the paper contributes a deeper examination of the array of policy actors and their involvement in different stages of the policy process leading to the formation of scientific cooperation agreements as tools of science diplomacy.

     

The impact of ‘central places’ on spatial spending patterns: evidence from Flemish local government cultural expenditures

Governments often see it as their responsibility to support cultural life and at times spend a significant amount of resources in the pursuit of this goal. The present article analyses whether and how municipalities influence each other in this decision to spend resources on the arts (using data on local government cultural spending in 304 Flemish municipalities in 2002). Following ‘central place theory’, the focal point of the analysis is the idea that––especially for cultural expenditures––large municipalities (and, specifically, ‘central places’) may affect their neighbours’ behaviour differently than small municipalities. The empirical analysis supports this idea. Indeed, we show that Flemish municipalities’ cultural spending is generally positively affected by that in neighbouring municipalities. This pattern is, however, significantly more complex for municipalities neighbouring the 13 largest Flemish cities.

Space for Ambitions: The Dutch Space Program in Changing European and Transatlantic Contexts

Why would a small country like the Netherlands become active in space? The field was monopolized by large countries with large military establishments, especially in the early years of spaceflight. Nevertheless, the Netherlands established a space program in the late 1960s. In this paper I will analyze the backgrounds of Dutch space policy in international post-war politics, national industrial policy, and science. After the Second World War, European space activities were shaped by the interplay between transatlantic and European cooperation and competition, limited by American Cold War diplomacy. At the national level, the Dutch space program was shaped firstly by two powerful companies, Philips electronics and Fokker Aircraft. As I will demonstrate, these two firms sought to gain crucial management skills as well as technological ones. Meanwhile, the nation’s astronomers were able to capitalize on an advantageous confluence of political, economic and scientific ambitions to forward their own agenda. They succeeded in obtaining two of the most expensive scientific instruments ever built in the Netherlands: the Astronomical Netherlands Satellite (ANS, launched 1974) and the Infrared Astronomical Satellite (IRAS, 1983). Both were joint Dutch-American missions, but the nature of the cooperation on each was very different, reflecting the changing relationship between America and Western Europe from the 1950s until the 1980s.     

晚清著名外交家钱恂简

生平事迹 钱恂,初名学嘉,号念劬,别号受兹室主人、积硅步斋主人。1853年生于浙江归安（今湖州）,出身书香门第。父亲钱震常,举人出身,曾任礼部主事,后辞官归乡,晚年任绍兴、扬州、苏州等地书院山长。兄妹五人当中,钱恂是长子,其弟钱玄同,早年留学日本,后为著名的思想家、教育家、语言文字家。