CONSUMING THE PUBLIC SCHOOL

In this essay David Labaree examines the tension between two competing visions of the purposes of education that have shaped American public schools. From one perspective, we have seen schooling as a way to preserve and promote public aims, such as keeping the faith, shoring up the republic, or promoting economic growth. From the other perspective, we have seen schooling as a way to advance the interests of individual educational consumers in the pursuit of social access and social advantage. In the first half of the essay Labaree shows the evolution of the public vision over time, from an emphasis on religious aims to political ones to economic ones and, finally, to an embrace of individual opportunity. In the second half, he shows how the consumerist vision of schooling has not only come to dominate in the rhetoric of school reform but also in shaping the structure of the school system.     

HUMANIZING EDUCATION AND THE EDUCATIONALIZATION OF HEALTH

Abstract Theorists often take a condescending stance when speaking about the educationalization of social problems. Given their confidence with postmodern and poststructuralist perspectives, the educationalization of social problems is easily perceived as a set of questionable interventions by governments into educational practices. In this essay, Bert Lambeir and Stefan Ramaekers question the extent to which one can conceive of social problems without an understanding of education or, put more sharply, the extent to which social problems are conceivable without some form of educationalization. After describing four meanings of the concept of educationalization, Lambeir and Ramaekers discuss three popular criticisms of it. With these criticisms as context, the authors use the example of concerns about and initiatives in health education to investigate whether education can be completely freed from the educationalization of social issues. They conclude that it cannot.     

EDUCATIONALIZATION: ON THE APPROPRIATENESS OF ASKING EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS TO SOLVE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROBLEMS

Abstract Educationalization is a term most frequently used to indicate that government (in particular) has inappropriately imposed on educational institutions responsibility for providing the solution to some social or economic problem. In this essay David Bridges illustrates, however, the way in which educational institutions collude in this process, where they see doing so as in their interests. He also points to the way idealistically (rather than cynically) educators might seek to contribute to the wider social agenda of their age. Indeed it is arguable that there is a conceptual link between the idea of education and that of social improvement. These observations frame the question about educationalization as one concerning the appropriateness or otherwise of looking to educational institutions to solve social problems and how one might determine such appropriateness. To what extent, Bridges asks, can and should educational institutions play a role in addressing the wider social and economic political agenda? In this essay he attempts the beginning of an answer to both these questions.     

THE LURE OF STATISTICS FOR EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHERS

In this essay David Labaree explores the historical and sociological elements that have made educational researchers dependent on statistics. He shows that educational research as a domain, with its focus on a radically soft and thoroughly applied form of knowledge and with its low academic standing, fits the pattern in which weak professions have been most likely to adopt quantification. One problem with educational researchers' seduction by the quantitative turn is that it deflects attention away from many of the most important issues in the field, which are not easily reduced to standardized quanta. Another is that by adopting this rationalized, quantified, abstracted, statist, and reductionist vision of education, educational policymakers risk imposing reforms that will destroy the local practical knowledge that makes the ecology of the classroom function effectively. Quantification, Labaree suggests, may be useful for the professional interests of educational researchers, but it can be devastating for school and society.     

历史社会学视角中的美国大学教育学院研究——评《教育学院之困境》

文章对美国社会学者大卫·拉伯雷的《教育学院之困境》进行了评价。该书采用历史社会学的方法分析了教育学院特别是教师教育处于美国高等教育学术科层结构底层的原因,探讨了当今美国大学教育学院的结构性特征和教育学院教授的地位,认为教育学院既不会给美国教育带来危害,也没有给美国教育带来帮助。     

Assessment discourse and constructions of social reality in infant classrooms

The 1968 structural reform of the education system in Israel was part both of a global process of democratization of education launched after the Second World War and of a larger modernization project in which the social sciences played a crucial role. This dynamic was an expression of a conjunction of interests, in which political forces used research on educational matters in order to advance their socio‐political agendas, while researchers used the state's interest in their work and in the ‘social problems’ they elaborated in order to receive public funding and to obtain state recognition of their scientific contribution. This article traces the reformist discourse structuration—the process of institutionalization of the different social science discourses in state institutions, such as universities and national institutes—in order to disclose the social sciences/politics linkage in Israel. It also puts forward the argument that in order to understand discourse structuration at a national level, it is essential to consider an additional factor: global education networks. Global networks adopted a discourse inspired by the American school model that tended to be adopted by scholars in different countries. The article focuses on the processes in Israel whereby knowledge producers elaborated the ‘inequality of opportunity’ and ‘ethnic gap’ social problems, and proffered the 1968 structural reform as the solution.     

CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION,POLICY, AND THE EDUCATIONALIZATION OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH

Abstract In this essay, Naomi Hodgson reconsiders the value of Michel Foucault’s normalization thesis to the study of educationalization in relation to contemporary educational policy and research. Hodgson begins by analyzing educational researchers’ response to the recent introduction of citizenship education in England, focusing specifically on a review of research, policy, and practice in this area commissioned by the British Educational Research Association (BERA). She argues that the BERA review exemplifies the field of education policy sociology in that it is conducted according to the concepts of its parent discipline of sociology but lacks critical theoretical engagement with them. Instead, such work operationalizes sociological concepts in service of educational policy solutions. Hodgson identifies three dominant discourses of citizenship education within the BERA review— the academic discourse of education policy sociology, contemporary political discourse, and the discourse of inclusive education — and draws attention to the relation of citizenship education to policy initiatives, and thus to educationalization. She then discusses Foucault’s concept of normalization in terms of the demand on the contemporary subject to orient the self in a certain relation toward learning informed by the need for competitiveness in the European and global context. Ultimately, Hodgson concludes that the language and rhetoric of education policy sociology implicate such research in the process of educationalization itself.     

教育、流动与分层:中国社会转型中的人力资本回报问题——从社会学家倪志伟(Victor Nee)市场转型论等相关研究和争辩谈起

中国的改革开放预期了人力资本对社会流动与分层的重要作用。对人力资本、政治资本等回报问题的研究,成为海外中国研究判断市场经济改革现存问题和未来走向的重要依据。1989年,美籍华裔社会学家倪志伟(Victor Nee)率先提出市场转型论(Theory of MarketTransition)进行解释,认为随着改革的推进,将会出现人力资本回报提升、政治资本回报下降的局面。文章鲜明的观点引发了持久争论。为了应对批评,倪志伟先后发表系列文章,对其观点进行持续修正。现在看来,倪志伟的结论当然有固有的缺陷,但对其的批评的确也有误解的成分。同时,包括倪志伟在内的研究者都力求提取简洁的理论模型,追求统一模式,这也为其理论纰漏提供了空间。     

Challenging the Politics of the “Model Minority” Stereotype: A Case for Educational Equality

This article examines the political rationale of the “model minority” stereotype about Asian Americans and its ramifications on education. Created by white elites in the 1960s as a device of political control, the model minority stereotype continues to serve the larger conservative restoration in American society today. By over-emphasizing Asian American success and misrepresenting it as proof of the perceived equal opportunity in American society, proponents of the stereotype downplay racism and other structural problems Asians and other minority groups continue to suffer. The theory that Asians succeed by merit (strong family, hard work, and high regard for education) is used by power elites to silence the protesting voices of racial minorities and even disadvantaged Whites and to maintain the status quo in race and power relations. In education, the model minority thesis has always supported conservative agendas in school reform. Now it goes hand in hand with the meritocracy myth and promotes educational policy that emphasizes accountability, standards, competition, and individual choice, while trivializing social conditions of schooling and unequal educational opportunities facing different student groups. It is the responsibility of educators to deconstruct the “model minority” stereotype and any other stereotypes or myths prevailing in education discourse, and seriously challenge racism, class division, and other structural problems. Social justice and equality must become a guiding principle for school reform and educational policy.     

ON THE POVERTY OF PHILOSOPHY: THE METAPHYSICS OF MCLAREN'S "REVOLUTIONARY CRITICAL PEDAGOGY"

In this essay, Scott Ellison examines a line of critical thought in educational theory that has unapologetically sought transcendence in the face contemporary social and political conditions. Under the banner of critical pedagogy, Peter McLaren sees this current period of globalization as representing a worldwide historical crisis requiring a revolutionary struggle that, in turn, is dependent upon a revitalization of critical pedagogy as the necessary tool for overcoming global relations of domination. Armed with Marxist theory and politics, McLaren seeks to use classrooms as social locations for fostering class struggle and global revolution. However, seeking to transcend today's globalized social processes and structures presents unique challenges that McLaren fails to overcome. He is a victim of the utopic turn. In this essay, Ellison offers a sympathetic reading and critique of McLaren's most recent theoretical work; undertakes a modest and preliminary recovery of Marxian theory and method; and concludes by briefly exploring the applicability and utility of this recovery for educational practices in this historical moment.     

刘少奇与中国特色社会主义道路

作为新中国进行社会主义建设的主要领导人之一,刘少奇立足于社会主义初级阶段基本国情,对中国特色社会主义经济、政治、文化以及社会建设问题作出了深刻的理论阐述和实践探索。在经济方面,坚持实事求是,从生产力的实际出发,对经济体制改革提出一系列的重要建议,重视"三农"问题,关心对外贸易工作,孕育了可持续发展的理念;在政治方面,探索民主政治建设和党的自身建设;在文化方面,关心文艺和文化建设;在社会建设方面,强调分配体制改革、关心教育改革。     

Developmental model of democratic values and attitudes toward social actions

This article presents the Cyprus results, and proposes a model of home environment and school climate on the social participation of ninth graders based on the IEA 1999 CIVIC education study data. This study examined ninth graders’ participation in social actions by means of a questionnaire; the data were analyzed using structural equation modeling methodology (LISREL). The objective was to design a model, using two exogenous constructs—the home environment and school climate, and four endogenous constructs—political interest of the student, political environment of the student, democratic values and social participation of student in social actions. The study demonstrated that political interest and school climate influence political interest and political environment and these endogenous factors influence democratic values of the students. Finally democratic values influence social participation of students in social actions.     

寻求发展的秘密:政治弹性理论的视角--霍伯特·沃林发展观述评

美国马里兰大学霍伯特·沃林教授经过30年的研究于1998年提出了政治弹性理论,他通过政治和行政的视角来分析社会发展,其基本结论是有弹性的政体能够促进社会发展,而非弹性政体只会阻碍社会的发展.作为对发展理论的一种发展,政治弹性理论既有其立意上的创新,也有其立论上的弱点.     

社会转型时期的利益分化与政治认同

目前中国处于社会转型的关键时期,现代化进程所导致的利益分化成为众多社会问题和矛盾产生的根源。政治认同作为社会成员对社会公共权力、政治制度等的赞同、认可与支持,也受到了强烈冲击,表现为政治认同危机的出现。在利益分化时代的大背景下,必须以利益协调为着眼点,化解利益矛盾冲突,才能有效地增进和提高社会成员的政治认同,从而推动整个社会的稳定。     

论伊格尔顿的文学批评观

伊格尔顿的文学批评思想注重文学与政治的关系,认为文学批评是政治的批评,它与社会权力问题有着最为密切的关系。批评的政治性决定了批评的视野是整个文化,但文化并不是解决问题的方法。     

Multicultural Education and Teacher Education: the British case with some American comparisons

This paper examines the criticisms made of multicultural education and argues, with some reference to American experience, that the possibility exists of exploiting such a focus to raise important issues of racism and inequality. It is argued that the crucial test of multicultural education will come with the fight to see it as relevant to the training of all teachers. Teachers ought to be trained in suck a way that they understand the complexity of the society in which they will teach in order to counteract the tendency to reduce educational, social, political and economic problems to a matter of cultural differences and deficiencies.     

The Pursuit of the Public Interest: Social and Ideological Factors Influencing Career Choice of First-Year Law Students

In US, the political leadership draws disproportionately from lawyers, thus it is important to understand the political perspectives of students attending law schools across the nation. This study examines these variations in and across race and ethnicity. We ask, “How are student aspirations for careers in public interest law and government and political positions related to race, ethnicity, and social and political ideology?” Data for the study were collected in 2004 from 6,100 law students attending 64 US law schools. Results reveal significant differences in social and political ideologies by race and ethnicity and further demonstrate the correlation between race and ethnicity, political ideology, and career choice. We argue for greater representation of racial/ethnic minorities and individuals with a broad range of social-political ideologies in the nation’s public interest sector and political leadership class, and further, more studies examining the career path of lawyers and law students.     

Women,Education and Empowerment in Asia

ABSTRACT Education is widely perceived as an indicator of the status of women and even more importantly, as an agent for the empowerment of women. This article examines the relationship between education and several facets of empowerment, using the macro statistics on countries in Asia presented in the United Nations Human Development Report, 1995, which attempts to compute country specific 'Gender Empowerment Measures', as well as data from qualitative studies in selected representative countries. The study concludes that there is no positive linear relationship between education and the economic, social and political empowerment of women, as a consequence of the interface of gender ideologies and social and economic structural constraints. It further examines factors that surface from within education structures and content and from social and economic structures and gender relations within the family that constrain the role of education as an agent for the empowerment of women.     

金融危机是美国劳资关系的转折点吗?

本文从经济金融化、社会保障私有化、政党工会关系、垄断资本全球化四个方面考察了新自由主义对美国劳资关系的影响。当前这场金融危机还不能推动美国劳资关系的转变。这是因为金融危机还不是新自由主义危机的全面体现,金融化依然会持续。新自由主义的支配地位没有受到挑战,劳资关系的改善缺乏工人运动和政治推动力量。垄断资本全球化加剧了美国工人阶级的弱势地位。     

罗尔斯的“差别原则”及其当代意义

平等与自由密不可分,但在实际社会生活中却往往是矛盾的。罗尔斯致力于正义理论的建立,正是为了探寻缓和、解决这对矛盾的良方。他的思想深深植根于美国现代社会经济政治生活之中。他提出“差别原则”,是为了给现代民主社会经济财富和收入分配提供一种应当遵循的规定和原则。罗尔斯的正义理论特别是“差别原则”,对于我国加强制度建设,促进社会和谐,具有重要的借鉴意义。