Engagement,passivity and detachment: 16‐year‐old students’ conceptions of politics and the relationship between people and politics

While there is a wealth of literature on young people and politics, most studies have examined their interest, trust and participation in politics as well as their attitudes toward and knowledge about formal politics. Little is known, however, about young people and the concept of politics. This article investigates 16‐year‐old students’ perceptions of the concept of politics and their conceptions of the relationship between people and politics. This knowledge is valuable for citizenship and social studies education, as an increasingly polarised political climate poses challenges to democratic politics and, consequently, to young people's political engagement and participation. In this study, semi‐structured interviews were conducted with nine students at five Norwegian upper secondary schools. The students varied in their interest and involvement in politics. A main finding is that the students perceived politics as processes related to shaping society, as decisions and activities related to ruling a country, and as the activities of discussion and debate. Three conceptions of the relationship between people and politics are presented: engagement, passivity, and detachment. In addition, while the 16‐year‐olds participated in political discussions privately and at school, they stated that they did not participate in political discussions in social media. Implications for citizenship and social studies education include the need to strengthen the bottom‐up perspective on politics and focus on in‐depth understanding of political processes and tools and methods of social‐scientific enquiry, as well as providing students with opportunities for and practice with handling opposition in political discussions online.     

论俄罗斯社会转型时期利益集团政治参与途径和方式

俄罗斯转型时期利益集团的政治参与对于俄罗斯社会转型产生了深远的影响。俄罗斯利益集团政治参与的途径和方式多种多样,包括七大方面。为了实现和维护利益集团的利益,他们往往采用多种手段影响俄罗斯的政治,给转型时期俄罗斯的政治打上了利益集团的烙印。     

高职语文课程思政教学改革的研究与实践

在推进高职语文课程教学改革的过程中,需要树立“大思政”的教育理念,坚持“文道并重”的教育原则,丰富语文课程的思政教育素材,发掘其思政教育功能,加强语文教学和思政教育的互融。对于语文课堂上存在的教学方法单一、学生参与度低及教学脱离学生实际等问题,要通过优化语文课程教学目标、在写作中渗透思政教育内容、在高职语文活动中融入思政教育和建立多元化考核评价体系等途径,切实提升高职语文课程思政教学改革的成效。     

Weiterbildungsbeteiligung – Ursachen unterschiedlicher Teilnahmequoten in verschiedenen Datenquellen

The scientific and political interest concerning the topic of further education increases more and more. That is the reason why nowadays many surveys collect information on the determinants of the participation in further education. However, the results of those surveys differ strongly. This raises the question about the actual magnitude of the participation in further education. This article reveals differences and similarities of four individual and household surveys which are compared in regard to their questions concerning further education: the Adult Education Survey, the BIBB/BAuA-Workers’ Survey, the German Microcensus and the German Socio-Economic Panel. Additionally, own calculations are performed in order to examine whether the results converge if a similar basis for the comparison is used in all four mentioned data sources. The interrogation process for informal further education as well as the overall relevance of further education in the survey and hence its scope und detailing of the questions play an important role in the comparison and for the attempt to minimize the differences.     

教育不能搞教书育人分离

教书育人是教师的天职 ,教育不仅要抓好智育 ,更要重视德育。思想政治素质是最重要的素质。目前一些学校教书和育人分离现象日趋严重 ,其主要原因是追求从政的急功近利的短期效应和由此带来的学校内部片面追求高分率、升学率。搞应试教育是其瓶颈所在 ,这是教育功能退化的一个标志。全面推行素质教育要强调更新观念 ,改革评价制度     

Type of education and civic and political attitudes

In addition to increasing cognitive skills and preparing students for the labour market, one of the core tasks of education is to prepare citizens for participation in democracy. Considering the ideal of democratic equality, it is important to know the degree to which civic outcomes of education are distributed equally. One feature of the education system that can lead to differential civic outcomes is tracking, that is, the sorting of students into different types of education. In this study, we examine the relationship between type of education (general/academic or vocational) and five attitudinal dimensions of civic and political engagement between the ages of 14 and 49 years in the Netherlands. By using panel data from the Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study (n = 5,312) and applying linear fixed effects models, we can observe the effect of a transition in the type of education on the within-person change in our outcome variables. The findings demonstrate that transitions in the type of education have little effect on intention to vote, trust in institutions or ethnic tolerance. However, students making transitions in general/academic education develop higher levels of interest in politics and generalised trust than do students in vocational education or people outside the education system. This point suggests that general/academic education fosters civic and political participation.     

德国企业参与职业教育的五大动力机制

职业教育的本质属性决定了其人才培养离不开企业的参与,发挥企业重要办学主体作用有赖于政策支持和长效机制.德国企业积极、高效参与“双元制”职业教育,得益于五大动力机制,即多元驱动,企业参与职业教育的保障机制;社会自治,校企利益均衡的协调沟通机制;双轨结构,自成体系的企业师傅培养机制;职业导向,企业参与课程开发的实现机制;考...     

Citizenship education in Mexico: the depoliticisation of adolescence through secondary school

Recent contributions have argued about the depoliticisation of citizenship education (CE), mainly through theoretical and documentary analyses, and based on the European context. Nonetheless, there is a lack of field studies which can provide empirical evidence about how does the depoliticisation of CE actually operate. Based on a mixed-method research in Mexico City’s secondary schools, this paper shows how the contemporary approach to CE, instead of looking at nurturing children’s and adolescents’ politicity, contributes to pupils’ depoliticisation. Among different potential characterisations of political participation (PP), the curriculum of CE circumscribes it within the arena of formal politics, from which students are largely excluded in the present. Additionally, CE promotes a range of practices of participation which are deprived from a political meaning. Students appropriate them discursively, but perceive limited opportunities for perform them, especially in school. Through the depoliticisation of CE, adolescents mostly learn that PP is a promise of inclusion in the future, while the idea of active citizenship becomes reduced to a correct discourse about largely imperceptible practices in students’ everyday life. The article stresses the need of shifting the priority of CE in Mexico from the formal curriculum to the transformation of school practices, in order to develop students’ politicity through participation.     

英国中小学公民教育中的政治教育——治疗政治冷漠的良方?

21世纪以来,针对公民政治冷漠的现象,政治教育成为英国公民教育改革的重要举措。本文介绍当前英国推行政治教育的社会背景,并以英国议会教育服务机构开发的青少年政治教育材料《你获得了权力》为例,分析当下英国政治教育的特点。本文发现,总体上英国政治教育强调:掌握政治知识、技巧,培养积极参与政治的态度。但是,对这一套材料的分析,也反映出英国政治教育的问题,即较少鼓励学生参与社会、政治实践,以及培养批判性思维。这令人怀疑仅仅局限于政治通识的教育,是否是解决政治冷漠难题的良方。     

Whose public,which public? The challenge for public education

Contemporary campaigns for public education rest upon an assumption that public schools are fundamental to an equitable and inclusive society. In this paper, I reflect on this presumption by exploring the inherent tensions of the meaning and practice of ‘public’ education, especially when the ‘public’ in public schooling is linked to political contestation and change in relation to the nation state. In particular, this discussion considers the ways in which the contemporary heightened racial politics of fear of ‘Muslim radicalisation’ structures the ways in which the state creates boundaries surrounding ‘public’ schooling. Here, analysis of recent governmental attempts to addresses the concern of ‘radicalisation’ in schools reveals the difficulties the nation state faces in defining what exactly is the ‘public’, and demonstrates how the politics of race and fear become overarching logics in the constitution of the Australian ‘public’. These logics risk creating exclusions and boundaries in public schooling, which, I argue here, have repercussions for the defence and claim to public education more broadly.     

Youth representations of environmental protest

A necessary condition for a functioning democracy is the participation of its citizens, including its youth. This is particularly true for political participation in environmental decisions, because these decisions can have intergenerational consequences. In this article we examine young people’s beliefs about one form of political participation—protest—in the context of communities affected by fracking and associated anti-fracking protest, and discuss the implications of these representations for education. Drawing on focus groups with 121 young people (aged 15–19) in five schools and colleges near sites which have experienced anti-fracking protest in England and Northern Ireland, we find young people well-informed about avenues for formal and non-formal political participation against a background of disillusionment with formal political processes and varying levels of support for protest. We find representations of protest as disruptive, divisive, extreme, less desirable than other forms of participation and ineffective in bringing about change but effective in awareness-raising. These representations are challenging, not least because the way protest is interpreted is critical to the way people think and act in the world. These representations of environmental protest must be challenged through formal education in order to safeguard the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and ensure that the spirit of Article 11 of the UK Human Rights Act is protected.     

Educating voters: political education in Norwegian upper‐secondary schools

Research on political education in schools suggests that an emphasis on formal structure, constitutional principles, formal citizen rights, and debates on current issues is common. The Norwegian national curriculum on political education envisions a different political education emphasizing that students should be critical of political life and social structures, that they should be familiar with democratic ideals, learn how they may influence by means of various forms of political participation, and be motivated to do so. I examine whether these ambitions are realized at the classroom level. Based on qualitative interviews and classroom observations I conclude that Norwegian political education is centred on political parties and on an attempt to help students find out which party is closest to their preferences. Political education takes the form of voter training for competitive élite democracy.     

Epistemology of the Nakba in Israeli education

In Israel, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is the most fundamental political and moral issue current and future citizens face. If we accept the maxim that schools should prepare citizens for participation in determining the future of their state, Israeli students must be introduced to the historical, political and moral questions at the heart of the conflict. But this responsibility of Israeli schools and teachers is a highly contentious issue. The most important issue in Israeli political education is thus the hardest to teach. In this article I argue that, despite considerable educational and political risks, teaching Jewish Israeli students about the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (alternatively known as the Israeli War of Independence) holds substantial potential for their epistemic development as capable knowers. I begin by reviewing the political, dialogical, cognitive and epistemic deficits in Israeli education, highlighting how the Nakba is suppressed in history and citizenship education. By analysing the epistemic context of the Nakba in Israeli society and education, I present two pedagogical approaches for teaching controversial issues, arguing for an inquiry-based approach over the widely held approach. I demonstrate the benefits of an inquiry-based approach in the context of history education. In the final section of the article, I build on the case of the Nakba to argue for a new epistemic framework for Israeli citizenship education. I begin by outlining the shortcomings of the current epistemic framework of the subject and point to possible future directions for the subject.     

论土地革命时期的教育政治化运动

土地革命时期,中国共产党在各苏区开展了一个旨在提高群众政治文化水平为主要内容的教育运动。在这一运动中,苏维埃政府除了强调对学生进行文化教育外,还强调对学生进行阶级斗争、参政议政以及民主平等观念的灌输。通过这一运动,苏区群众不仅获得了一个普遍的受教育机会,而且还大大提升了自己的政治水平,并推动了苏区战争动员工作的开展。     

Too much freedom and autonomy in the enactment of assessment? Assessment in physical education in Ireland

This paper sets out to outline current discussions in Ireland around teachers being responsible for assessing their own students’ work, and the subsequent impact such a perspective is having (or not) on the delivery and assessment of physical education in Ireland. Our intention is to contribute to assessment considerations, while acknowledging the nuances of the Irish education context, and the positioning of physical education within such nuances. This discussion is particularly timely given the very recent endorsement for the introduction of the new Leaving Certificate Physical Education as a full optional subject. We begin by discussing more specifically assessment in Irish primary and post-primary schools, drawing attention to the limited Irish assessment-related research being conducted in both contexts. We then explore assessment developments related to Irish primary physical education and post-primary physical education and compare the extent to which such developments are limited in comparison to international assessment interests and practices in physical education. We conclude with suggestions related to studying (pre-service) teachers’ and students’ exposure to assessment in order to understand how we could alter the balance of assessment purposes and uses in Irish schools.     

美国和新加坡的思想政治教育比较及其启示

美国和新加坡思想政治教育的实践性和实效性富有特点,美国注重组织学生参加课外活动和社会服务,新加坡非常重视社会实践,在实践中完成养成教育.两国都强化国民意识,注重学校、家庭、社会以及政府的齐抓共管,通力合作;注重思想政治教育的层次性,从易到难,循序渐进;注意教育内容的有机衔接,形成了系统工程;考虑教育对象的接受层次,学生易于掌握和内化,教育效果明显.美国和新加坡思想政治教育的实践性和实效性,对我国思想政治教育有一定的借鉴意义.     

Standardization of lower secondary civic education and inequality of the civic and political engagement of students

In this paper, the relation between the standardization of civic education and the inequality of civic engagement is examined. Using data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2009 among early adolescents and Eurydice country-level data, three-level analysis and variance function regression are applied to examine whether there is a relation between measures of civic education standardization and inequality in three dimensions of civic engagement: civic knowledge, interest in social and political issues, and participation in the community. Inequality is conceptualized as differences in students’ civic engagement between schools and the association between social origin and civic engagement. The results demonstrate that accountability is associated with more inequality in civic knowledge, whereas centralization is associated with less inequality in non-cognitive civic engagement.     

试析传统政治文化构建参与型政治文化

传统的政治文化对公民的政治参与实践有很大的影响.我们要完善社会主义民主政治,扩大我国公民有序政治参与的发展,就必须充分认识和有效消解传统政治文化的负面影响,明晰公民政治参与不足的历史原因,从而有效的培养与发展现代参与型政治文化.本文试从物质基础、公民文化、公民社会、制度保障等角度提出有关构建参与型政治文化环境的若干建议.