品牌传播中议程设置理论的研究——如何正确运用议程设置提升品牌的知名度

一、把握议程设置的契机政治学家伯纳德·科恩1963年提出来的议程设置理论,是指媒体有意无意地建构公共讨论与关注的话题。科恩认为,媒体在使人们怎么想这一点上很难奏效,但在使人们想什么这点上却十分有效。1972年,M·E·麦库姆斯(McCombs)和D·L·肖(Shaw)在《民意》季刊(PublicOpinionQuarterly)上发表了《大众传媒的议程设置功能》一文,通过实证调查研究,证实了此前科恩(Cohen)等人提出的议程设置(agendasetting)猜想的成立。议程设置理论的主要含义是:大众媒体加大对某些问题的报道量、或突出报道某些问题,能影响受众对这些问题重…     

各传播时代议程设置权的流变更替

"议程设置"的现象自古有之,只是在大众传播时代"议程设置"的现象才引起了人们的关注,并进行了详细研究。本文从"议程设置"的权力归属这一角度入手,通过对口语传播时代、大众传播时代、小众化传播时代以及私人媒介传播时代的议程设置权进行分析,从而得出事件设置议程(口语传播时代)——大众媒体设置议程(大众传播时代)——受众设置议程(小众传播时代)——事件设置议程(私人媒介传播时代)的"议程设置"权归属的演变和转移。     

浅析网民参与"设置议程"

"议程设置功能"理论作为研究大众传播宏观社会效果的一种理论假说,从1972年麦库姆和肖发表在<舆论季刊>上的<大众媒介的议程设置功能>开始,已经成为大众媒介效果理论中一个重要的探索领域."议程设置功能"理论认为,大众媒介具有一种为公众设置"议事日程"的功能,能够通过反复播出某类新闻报道,强化该话题在公众心目中的重要程度.     

融媒时代议程设置理论在公民新闻中的运用

媒体根据自身的定位,为受众进行信息的筛选,在某种程度上有舆论引导的意味。事实上,一个真正的社会舆论热点的形成,应该是受众自己对新闻事实进行选择的过程。公民新闻的发展,受众对新闻信息参与度的提高,使议程设置的主体逐渐发生变化;同时,议题的内容和传播的流程也有了新的发展。本文从议程设置理论在融媒时代的变化、公民新闻的特点以及公民新闻中议程设置理论的发展三个部分,来认识议程设置理论逐渐从＂权威议程设置＂到＂大众议程设置＂变化的过程。     

受众主导议程：一个“议程融合”的实验研究

本研究基于“议程融合”理论的基本假设,以受众为研究的对象和出发点,通过实验研究的方法,探究信息时代下受众的不同媒介接触行为对议程设置效果的影响,得出如下结论：受众在议程设置中处于主导地位,大众媒体的议程设置功能虚弱;受众的群体交流是其议程设置的主要动力。     

论媒介与受众共建议程设置及反思——以央视《新闻1+1》钓鱼岛事件报道为例

议程设置理论是大众传播媒介影响社会的重要方式,作为一种理论假说,议程设置理论的发展经历了三个重要的发展阶段。但是在传播媒介和传播模式发展的新的传播环境下,议程设置理论的内涵和外延不断得到修正和发展。本文做一梳理,并在此基础上结合央视新闻频道《新闻1+1》对钓鱼岛事件的报道,提出新的见解。议程设置不仅影响当下受众去想什么和怎么想,同时受众的态度也影响大众媒体对议程设置作适度修改。另外,通过钓鱼岛事件反思当下媒体报道中存在的问题,并提出改进的建议。     

网络环境下传统媒介的议程设置

在20世纪70年代发表的报告《大众传播的议程设置功能》认为,大众传播媒介有为公众设置“议事日程”的功能,大众媒介越是突出报道某些问题或事情,受众越是关注它们。     

新媒体视阈下议程设置理论的重构和消弭

从web1.0到web2.0,我们的时代俨然演进为了全媒体时代,每个公民都是自媒体,都可以利用各种新兴通渠来"发声"[1]。传统媒介的霸主地位似乎已经时移世易,风光不在。异军突起的新媒体已经牢牢抢占了媒介话语权,交互式的平台衍生出微博、微信等一系列新的媒介形式。1972年麦库姆斯和肖提出的议程设置理论被传播学奉为经典,但新的媒介环境下,经典的理论同样也遭遇了局限和缺陷,本文试图以案例出发,以内容分析为研究方法,透析出新媒体环境下公共议程与媒介议程的关系,进而发现一般规律,并提出相应的建议,促进构建和谐的传播舆论环境。     

从“周久耕事件”看网络社区的议程设置

自大众媒体产生以来,大众传播的效果问题一直为人们所关注。早期的传播学者认为受众在传播中处于完全被动的地位。但随着传播学的发展,一些传播学者提出了议程设置理论。美国学者塞弗林和坦卡德认为“媒介的议程设置功能就是指媒介这样的一种能力,通过反复播出某类新闻报道,强化该话题在公众心目中的重要程度”。传统媒体里的议程设置理论已经被广泛的研究和证实了,但是网络中特别是网络社区的议程设置理论的研究还较少。本文采用内容分析的方法,通过“周久耕事件”个案来探究网络社区的议程设置。     

“北京沙尘暴”看BBS的议程设置

大众传播的议程设置功能理论是大众传播学经验主义研究的一个重要命题。但是在网络时代，有学认为大众媒介为受众产生“议程设置”的理论受到了挑战，媒介设置公众议程的作用有可能会减小。本通过个案研究来考察在网络论坛（BBS）议题设置的一些新的特点。     

疫情期间不同传播渠道对公众“自我卷入”程度的影响

实证表明新冠肺炎疫情下公众选择不同传播渠道产生的"自我卷入"程度不一:短视频、微博(或微信)、新闻类APP等移动新传播渠道给公众造成的恐惧感更为显著;电视(或广播)等传统渠道更能影响公众的应急反应,让公众主动采取防护措施,积极进行自我保护和积极应对;但公众在权威信息、疫情进展上对电视(或广播)等传统渠道的期望值更高。主流媒体应从把控信息源头、创新表达形式、布局好舆情监测机制、做好媒体议程设置等四个方面来提高自身公信力,提高公众对主流信息的"自我卷入"程度,以防范可能出现的"信息疫情",维护社会秩序健康稳定。     

基于上下文语义的网络议程设置研究——以红黄蓝事件为例

基于共现分析的网络议程设置研究从认知心理学的角度出发,分析媒体议程与公众议程网络,更加贴近回答李普曼所说的“我们脑海中的图景”,但该方法只能体现议程网络中关键词间的显性关系。本文提出通过基于上下文语义的word2vec模型,测度网络议程设置中关键词隐性关系的研究方法。以“红黄蓝事件”为例,揭示党媒、都市类媒体、商业媒体、知乎意见领袖以及公众的议程网络及其相似度。研究发现,知乎意见领袖对公众议程的影响程度最大,其议程主要是对事件背后因果关系的梳理以及对策建议的提供。在媒体方面,党媒和都市类媒体报道基本一致,且二者对公众的影响均高于商业媒体。本研究是对现有网络议程设置研究的补充,对议程设置的本土化研究有一定的启示。     

Where Have All the Milestones Gone? The Decline of Significant Research on the Process and Effects of Mass Communication

Between about 1930 and the early 1980s, a number of seminal research studies yielded most of today's theories of the process and effects of mass communication. Since that time, few studies have made significant theoretical contributions. This apparent slowdown is inconsistent with certain trends in the media industries and in the academy that logically should result in greater production of seminal studies. The question is why so few milestones have been produced in recent years? A possible answer is that certain trends are taking place in U.S. society that tend to reduce the number of ground-breaking studies that will be produced by contemporary academics. Specifically, social scientists have turned from media studies to their more traditional research agenda; increasing attention is being paid to qualitative analysis by today's media scholars, and many are now preoccupied with critical perspectives rather than research. Additionally, higher pay in applied research may be drawing bright doctors of philosophy away from basic studies; heavy use of part-time instructors increases the workload of full-time faculty; and, finally, funding for basic research in mass communication is increasingly difficult to find.     

浅析网络议程设置的特色

议程设置理论的提出基于传统媒体环境。强有力的传播者、处于被动状态中的受众和传统媒体的有限性为实现媒介的议程设置提供了主、客观的保障。然而 ,网络中传播权泛化、信息获取高度自由、时空无限将“议程设置”理论的传统基础一一打破。但打破并不意味着网络不能设置议程。本文分析了网络传播中议程设置在议题设置者、议题内容及议题设置所依赖的技术三方面不同于传统媒体的特色。     

Media Bias,Public Opinion,and Policy Liberalism from 1956 to 2004: A Second-Level Agenda-Setting Study

This study aims to explore second-level agenda-setting at the national level. In particular, it examines the relationships among the citation bias of the New York Times, national level public opinion, and Congressional policies from 1956 to 2004 in order to better understand mass media's role in national policymaking. In addition, it also tests one important intervening variable of the relationships among the three attribute agendas (the media agenda, the public agenda, and the policy agenda)—the president's policy liberalism.     

医学类学术期刊公共卫生事件的议程设置路径

公共卫生事件的发生伴随着紧急性和未知性,面对该类事件公众具有强烈的信息获知需求。大众媒体对公共卫生事件的解读缺乏专业权威性,学术期刊的社会职责与公众的信息需求是医学学术期刊发挥媒体议程的基础。医学学术期刊公信力高,具备丰富的医学专业内容资源和客观理性的媒介调性,在公共卫生事件的媒体议程设置中能发挥优势。医学学术期刊通过科普传播的路径参与议题设置,以社交媒体矩阵建立、推动媒体间共振是大众传播基础,以医学知识服务和科学专业内容传播定位实现对公众的长效引导。提升学术期刊的大众化传播能力,从而影响社会议题,通过回应社会关切、快速出版等方式实现公众舆论导向。     

Adopting an Integrated Behavioral Model Approach to the Study of News Media Exposure: A Focus on Experiential and Instrumental Attitudes Toward Politics

Stepping beyond traditional mass communication and political communication frameworks, this study utilizes the integrated behavioral model to predict traditional broadcast and print news media exposure. Specific focus is given to experiential (Is politics interesting?) and instrumental (Is politics important?) attitudes. A secondary analysis is performed on 2010–2014 World Values Survey data (N = 6,961) consisting of representative samples collected from the United States, Germany, Australia, and Sweden. Interest is a statistically significant predictor of both types of news media exposure, but importance and Interest × Importance are statistically significant for broadcast only. The positive predictive value of political interest for broadcast is isolated to only those individuals who perceive politics to be of low personal importance. Discussion focuses on task difficulty when comparing broadcast and print news media exposure and the theoretical implications of the study’s findings. In addition, a research agenda based on the integrated behavioral model is proposed for the study of news media engagement.     

走近唐纳德·肖

议程设置理论之父唐纳德·肖在人民大学新闻学院讲学一周 ,使我们有机会接近他 ,与他面对面交流。他的诗情和激情给学员印象深刻。在他看来 ,做传播研究需要充满激情并且坚持不懈。他认为 ,议程设置第二层的框架理论告诉研究者不仅要关注媒体说了什么 ,还要分析媒体是怎么说的 ,是如何描述事物框架的 ,而影响媒体怎么说的因素包括文化传统等。关于新闻传播教育 ,肖教授认为 ,理论教育和实践训练同样重要 ,而写作是新闻传播者的基本功     

Comparing Disaster News on Twitter and Television: an Intermedia Agenda Setting Perspective

Intermedia agenda setting predicts a high degree of convergence between news media agendas. However, the rise of social media forces a re-examination of this expectation. Using the 8.8-earthquake of February 27, 2010 in Chile as a case study, this article compares which topics were covered by professional journalists on broadcast news and Twitter, analyzing both cross-sectional and longitudinal trends. A positive, reinforcing influence was found among the journalistic agendas of TV and Twitter. However, counter to the idea that social media are echo chambers of traditional media, it was found that Twitter influences TV news more so than the other way around. Thus, the study provides an early lens into the agenda setting function of social media among television news professionals, and its findings are consistent with Twitter succeeding among journalists due to its provision of valuable information.     

Parties,media and public opinion: A study of media's legitimation of party politics in Hong Kong

Political groups have long existed in Hong Kong since 1949. The ‘consultative government’ was hostile towards groups which were critical of government policies. Before the 1980s, in a minimally‐integrated media‐political system, mass media, in compliance with the government served to undermine their legitimacy. Party politics and political parties were framed as ‘dirty polities’. However, the move towards a representative government since the 1980s in face of the power transfer to China, together with the 4 June incident, have transformed the public's stance towards the newly established democratic groups. In response to the changing public opinion, the media started in the late 1980s to give consent to the emergence of party politics in the democratic system. In the first direct Legislative Council in 1991, mass media ‘incorporated’ party politics as part the local political system.