肯尼亚大学生抗议活动及政府对策研究

肯尼亚大学生抗议活动爆发的强度大,频率高,对肯尼亚高等教育的发展造成了重大的影响。其频繁爆发缘于经济基础与大学扩招之间的矛盾,社会民主化思潮和国家专权化管理之间的矛盾,以及大学生的政治抱负、特点与政治生态之间矛盾的激化。肯尼亚政府对大学生抗议活动采取镇压和有限改革相结合的处理方式。这种反应方式缘于政府对学生认识的偏差,以及二者之间沟通与协调环节的薄弱。由此,肯尼亚大学生和政府需要反思自己的认识和行为。     

Are Student Protests in Arab States Caused by Economic and Political Grievances? Empirical Evidence from the 2006–07 Arab Barometer

We investigate the nature of protests by students (age 18 and older) in Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, and Yemen by using subsamples of students from nationally representative and acclaimed public opinion data (the 2006–07 Arab Barometer). We find between 22.1% (Jordan) and 54.7% (Yemen) participated in either the signing of petitions, or marching in street protests, or both between the years 2003–07. To explain student protest participation, we draw from the political economy literature to test four grievance-based hypotheses that link protest to student perceptions on the performance of the economy, personal family socioeconomic status, political exclusion, and preference for democracy. Ordered probit regression analyses indicate that students protest for different reasons in the four countries. We find statistical evidence that student protests are associated with grievances about the economy (Algeria and Morocco) and lack of democracy (Algeria only). Joint hypothesis tests reveal that the four grievances jointly matter in Algeria, Morocco, and Yemen but not Jordan.     

The Cambridge Garden House Hotel Riot of 1970 and its Place in the History of British Student Protests

This article highlights a violent incident in the history of British student protests and outlines the judicial process that resulted. A wider consideration of student protests of the late 1960s and early 1970s, both in the UK and overseas is offered, together with some consideration of the significance of this particular case. At the time of the incident, and during the crown court and appeal hearings, the names of the defendants, of other prominent student protesters, the University proctors and witnesses who provided evidence were published in the press. It is not thought appropriate to name these persons in this article.     

The #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall student protests through the Kübler-Ross grief model

This article explores the possibility that the recent #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall student protests at South African universities may be partially underpinned by grief over a dying essentialist assemblage in the wake of the 2012 Marikana massacre – which saw the assemblage severed from the State Apparatus in a way that spelled its doom. Particular focus falls on how the related protests mirror the grief stages identified by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross, and the article concludes by reflecting on possible post-structural curricular interventions that may help to stabilize university operations in the country.     

Student activism and student exclusions in South Africa

On average, about 25 percent of students leave higher education (HE) institutions annually in South Africa because they are excluded on academic and financial grounds. To resist such putouts, student boycotts and protests are common despite the fact that student organizations were incorporated into decision-making processes at HE institutions (defined as universities and technikons in South Africa) in 1997. By examining recent student protest behaviour, this paper explores the dimensions of various protests and examines some of the effects of student participation in HE governance structures.     

The plain style in early anti-slavery discourse: Reassessing the rhetorical beginnings of Quaker and Puritan advocacy

The two earliest public protests against slavery in British North America—the Germantown Quakers’ petition and Samuel Sewall’s The Selling of Joseph—are primarily discussed as rhetorical failures and have been largely reduced to entries on an anti-slavery timeline. The texts are further diminished for their lack of intensity compared with later abolitionist discourses. This essay reassesses these germinal protests as dynamic texts that engage and challenge two distinct conceptualizations of the plain style. In so doing, the texts and the plain style are both given renewed significance in the rhetorical history of the anti-slavery movement.     

略论人民检察院对调解书的抗诉权

在民事诉讼中，人民检察院不能对调解书提出抗诉，存在着诸多弊端，因此，调解书应被纳入人民检察院抗诉的客体范围。     

A piece of resistance: exploring behaviour assessment and political subjectification in a Swedish upper secondary school

In 2007, students at a Swedish Upper Secondary School engaged in a series of protests and demonstrations against the implementation of a written assessment of student conduct. This article explores the motivations and manifestations of this resistance, mainly by analysing debate articles and web material from the student union that organized the protests, but also by drawing on news articles, policy documents and interview material in order to grasp how this resistance was received by advocates of the conduct assessment. Making use of Mouffe’s and Rancière’s theories on political dissent, as well as Foucauldian power perspectives, the article discusses the students’ resistance in relation to political subjectification, concluding that it serves as an important manifestation of individual as well as collective engagement in school democracy, and personal student integrity.     

Youth Protests against Education Privatization Reforms in Post-Soviet States

This article examines youth protests against education privatization in the post-Soviet countries of Latvia, Russia, and Ukraine. Drawing on a sample of online sources and scholarly articles, this study uses critical discourse analysis and visual methodologies to examine why and how post-Soviet university students have organized to protest against education privatization reforms. The study also critically analyzes visual and discursive representations of youth protests by government officials, mass media, and academia in the post-Soviet education space. The study reveals that while student protesters are deeply concerned about the future of public education, the messages (and images) generated by youth protesters are reappropriated in various ways by mass media, often beyond the control of protesters themselves.     

An end of innocence: African-American high school protest in the 1960s and 1970s

This paper considers African-American student protests in secondary schools during the 1960s and early 1970s. Taking a national perspective, it charts a growing sense of independence and militancy among black students as they made the schools a focal point of activism. Activist students challenged established civil rights organisations on a variety of questions. They also engaged in an escalating series of protest activities to make schools change. Much of this focused on curricular change, particularly adding black history courses and hiring African-American teachers and principals. Generally, these protests proved quite successful. Black students also protested against conditions encountered in integrated schools, where they often met hostility from whites. Distinct regional patterns characterised such activities, with more protest over school issues in the North and greater conflict regarding desegregation in the South. By the mid-1970s the era of black secondary student protest concluded, although its legacy continues to live.     

浅谈信息技术与化学学科的整合

本文在建构主义学习理论的指导下，提出了在新课程背景下信息技术与化学学科整合的原则、整合模式和反思。主张教学过程要以学生主动构建为核心，根据化学学科特点，借助现代技术手段优化教学，使学生学会学习。     

Signs of protest rhetoric: From Logos to logistics in Luther's Ninety-Five Theses

Our paper conceptualizes protest rhetoric in order to theorize the underlying relationship between communication and subjectivity. We do this by highlighting how rhetorical protest challenges the sovereignty of voice. Our argument is that Martin Luther's Ninety-Five Theses is an example of a sign that protests. To make this argument, we use a materialist method from media studies that simultaneously examines the formal capacities of a sign that protests and maps its historical transformation. Our analysis opens with the two prevailing accounts of Luther's theses: disputation and dissemination. We extend both disputation and dissemination by placing them in a “universal history” of protest rhetoric that grounds many accepted critical rhetorical theories in specific systems of representation. Drawing together our findings, we conclude by urging the replacement of logos and logocentrism with the logistics of protest rhetoric in order to link together disputation and dissemination as a mechanism for both change and subjection.     

试论“宋教仁案”舆论风潮的政治影响

"宋教仁案"引发了一场国民党反袁舆论风潮,对当时的政治发展产生了直接的影响。在舆论风潮中国民党由于过于愤慨,出现了过激的言行,使其声誉受损,而袁世凯政府以其较为纯熟以及表面上看似理性的言行,改变了其在争取民意方面的被动局面,威信见涨,使中间势力转而倾向于他。由此,民初政治格局彻底改变,民主共和向独裁专制转变。     

Doing it for them: corporatism and apprentice activism in Switzerland, 1880–1950

In the history of vocational education and training, apprentices seldom feature as actors. They are also rarely mentioned among those affected by economic conditions and political measures. Studies of England and Scotland have shown that, over a period of decades, there was a widespread apprentice movement during the twentieth century. So far, studies of German-speaking areas have barely registered this and have solely concentrated on apprentice protests in the 1960s and 1970s. The present article addresses this desideratum, investigating the form and content of how apprentices articulated their interests in Switzerland between 1880 and 1950. The main reason why Switzerland never experienced major sustained apprentice protests was because of its corporatist organisation of vocational education policy. This policy meant that there was no space available for independent forms of protest as charitable organisations, industrial and occupational associations, trade unions and state agencies assumed the task of articulating the interests of apprentices.     

1960-1970年代美国“红种人权力”运动与土著族裔意识的复兴

"红种人权力"运动作为美国印第安人历史上的重大事件之一,并非仅具有象征性作用,而是产生了重大影响,推动印第安人族裔意识的勃兴.这主要表现在三个方面:一是推动印第安人在1960-1970年代广泛开展泛印第安人抗议运动;二是全国性土著组织如雨后春笋般纷纷建立;三是激发了印第安人个体的族裔认同感和民族自豪感.所有这些又进一步促使土著民族自治运动以星火燎原之势在全国范围内迅速展开.     

文化心理学论要

文化心理学以文化与心理的关系为主要研究内容,对文化与心理关系的重视构成文化心理学的基本特征。文化心理学的基本主张在于:文化应该参与心理学基本理论的构建,成为心理学研究的基本视角;在文化与心理的关系上,文化心理学主张摆脱还原论和实体论,重视文化与心理相互构建的动态关系。     

维护动物的权益

伊诺娜：那么．我们得谈谈针对肯辛通生命科技公司和其他公司的新一轮的抗议。 杰罗姆：我们一定得谈谈了。你看到今天早上外面的那伙民众了吗？其中一个朝我的车扔石头,幸亏没扔中。     

Notes of Interest

Italy's universities are burdened with the same problems found in other European countries: a vast increase in enrollment (from about 300,000 in 1965-66 to about 475,000 in 1969-70), highly insufficient space and facilities, an antiquated structure of administration and faculty hierarchy, and volatile student discontent. The protests in 1968, as elsewhere, acted as catalysts for the onset of national planning for reforms.     

Remote Sensing: An Interview with Ursula Biemann

Even more so than that first significant moment of the video age-the brutal footage of the Los Angeles Police Department's attack on the prostrate body of Rodney King-the antiglobalization protests have marked the first sustained use of new digital technologies (audio and visual) to document the contemporary uses of power and the resistances to it.     

中职学校旅游服务与管理专业课程设置改进研究

本文针对中专转制、并轨后的现状，对旅游服务与管理（外语导游）专业的课程设置提出了改进意见。主张加大教学实践性环节力度，建议对学生进行后期分流教学，增设创业就业指导类课程（以讲座为主）。提出了实施新的课程设置方案的保证条件。