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League 品三国     
没有三国那段历史,就没有罗贯中的《三国演义》,就没有84集电视连续剧《三国演义》,就没有林俊杰的歌曲《曹操》,就没有吴宇森的《赤壁》,就没有易中天的一炮走红……这不是句号,而是省略号,因为还有人要把三国那段历史实行“拿来主义”和“加工主义”,为什么这段历史遭到如此的追捧呢?我不是研究历史的,没有博大精深的历史知识,但从平民的角度来看待这个问题,三国之所以火到现在,应该感谢那是一段三股互相牵制的军事势力存在的历史,请注意,一定是互相牵制、分庭抗礼,这样才衍生出传奇的故事,这样的故事才能紧张刺激。同样道理,一个联赛冠军的争夺要是看一支球队一骑绝尘,那味如嚼蜡,要是鹬蚌相争,那不亦乐乎,要是“三团演义”,那叫风景这边独好。  相似文献   

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2007-08赛季,法甲、英超和意甲的冠军都是在最后一轮才见分晓,那么五大联赛历史上还有哪些这种令人心跳的冠军争夺战呢?英超:1994-95赛季冠军:布莱克本89分亚军:曼联88分英超1992年成立,算上本赛季曼联和切尔西的冠军争夺战,也只有4次是在最后一轮产生冠军的所有者,而曼联有3次笑到最后,惟一一次功亏一箦是在1994-95赛季,弗格森随即留下了"西汉姆这么拼命真是变态"的名人名言。那个赛季前,曼联已经获得了英超两连冠,期间没有遇到太过顽强的抵抗,1994-95赛季弗格森和他的曼联终于知道了冠军不是那么轻而易举就能够揣在口袋里的。在最后一轮前,布莱克本领先曼联两分,而最后一轮布莱克本将迎战利物浦,曼联的对手则是西汉姆联,事后证明:利物浦对得起曼联,西汉姆更对得起布莱克本。  相似文献   

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《当代体育》2008,(11):28-29
2007—08赛季,法甲、英超和意甲的冠军都是在最后一轮才见分晓,那么五大联赛历史上还有哪些这种令人心跳的冠军争夺战呢?  相似文献   

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This essay presents the evolution of European governance in a parallel symbiosis with football. It describes the EU, this sui generis ‘team’, giving examples, images, dates and events from the world of football. It seeks to contribute to the debate on the changing profile of EU institutions through the looking glass of football ones, as a ‘team’ in the framework of governance and international relations. In particular, it uses the specific institutional example of the Champions League as a source of analogies and regularities for the on-going European experiment. It examines how far EU and football continue to encompass the same joy of accomplishment after the dramatic change in their institutional and political rules of play in an age ruled by the relentless and insatiable pursuit of profit. The paper argues that European governance needs to redefine its integration’s priorities, restoring dedication to and passion for the European project.  相似文献   

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痕风 《电子竞技》2010,(5):96-99
"独行斩将应无敌,今古留题翰墨间。"这说的是美髯公关云长千里走单骑的英雄故事。在小说《三国演义》里,关羽过东岭关斩孔秀;过洛阳斩孟坦、韩福;过汜水关斩卞喜;过荥阳斩王植;过黄河渡口斩秦琪,过五关斩六将,无人能敌。实际上,这段千古流传的佳话只是小说的虚构。虽然《三国志》的作者陈寿也评价关羽是"万人敌",但是历史上的关羽并没有这样的经历。不过,近来在韩国星坛,却真有一名大将,上演了"过五关斩六将"的传奇。这名大将的ID为Flash。没错,又是"毁灭星际"的最终兵器。  相似文献   

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A growing body of academic and popular literature considers the history of South African football. These and existing publications pay little or no attention to the emergence of white professional football in apartheid South Africa. The National Football League (NFL) challenged the amateur game and introduced professional football to the country. During its 17-year existence, the NFL grew each season with large attendances until its demise in 1977. In addition, the NFL imported a range of international players, invited foreign teams and actively engaged in the political debates in South African sport at the time. The NFL was instrumental in popularising the game across the country for all South Africans. The NFL became the most popular sports entertainment of choice for South Africans during this period. Finally, the NFL actively engaged in a campaign of destroying rival non-racial anti-apartheid leagues while simultaneously co-opting less progressive organisations.  相似文献   

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American Baseball was introduced in France in the late nineteenth century, to little appeal. During the First World War, American soldiers immediately began playing the sport for recreation in France, but it was YMCA men in the new Foyers du Soldat, rest and relaxation huts, who truly re-introduced baseball to the French. After the war, Americans in Paris created an amateur league that perpetuated baseball, but the sport still did not resonate with but a minority ofthe French, despite great efforts. It was only in 1924, in the wake of the Olympics, that the French took organisational control of baseball, winning government recognition and establishing firm roots for the sport by making baseball nominally French.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This research is part of a larger phenomenon about the diffusion and transmission of football in various British colonies, particularly in Asia. After the British occupied the Straits Settlements of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore and enforced indirect rule in the Federated Malay States of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang and Unfederated Malay States of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, and Trengganu and Johore, they established sports clubs and played football. They also introduced the game to the Malay, Chinese, Eurasian, Indian, and Sikh communities. In 1921, the British donated the HMS Malaya Cup for football. The inaugural football league consisted of seven colony or state teams and players from the European and local communities. During the first decade (1921–1930), two outstanding European and six local players were highlighted. By the end of next 11 years (1931–1941), 10 teams took part in the competition. During this period, 10 outstanding players emerged from the local communities. Singapore appeared in all 21?Cup finals winning 12 times and drew twice. Selangor was 14 times finalists winning four times and drew twice. Perak won twice out of three final appearances. Kedah and Penang were losing finalists 1940 and 1941, respectively.  相似文献   

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During the 1970s, a number of prominent British and Irish footballers – the likes of which included Gordon Banks, George Best, Bobby Charlton, Geoff Hurst and Bobby Moore – played as ‘guest players’ on a short-term basis for various clubs in South Africa's National Football League (NFL), a ‘whites-only’ professional league that spanned the period 1959–1977. Coupled with this, NFL clubs from the outset also secured the services of additional foreign players of lesser standing on longer term contracts in an attempt to improve the standard of play. The strategy of importing high-profile ‘guests’ during the 1970s ultimately proved unsuccessful in sustaining the league as it disbanded after the 1977 season. Utilising archival documentation, contemporary media reports and existing football works, this essay aims to establish the reasons behind the NFL's demise. Two particular factors under consideration are the erosion of the league's entertainment value and the deteriorating economic conditions within South Africa at the time. These elements are juxtaposed with additional factors such as the rise in popularity of multiracial football, the resulting drain of sponsorship away from the white professional game, as well as political machinations within South Africa during this period.  相似文献   

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Delocalization has become an enduring theme in sports historiography. In Australian rugby league much of the work on this theme has been associated with the so-called ‘Super League War’ and the disconnection of sporting teams from place and local identity. Not all clubs, however, suffered such a fate. The Cronulla-Sutherland Sharks are one such team that endured the travails of the 1990s and maintained a strong connection with their geographical community. Problematizing delocalization in this context, the study explores the Sharks' Super League experience and finds strong evidence to support the contention that the Sharks provide a local sporting example of ‘glocalization’.  相似文献   

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The coaching competency research has demonstrated the role of coaching efficacy and coaching behaviors on various athlete outcomes. However, athlete perceptions of these relationships and how they affect performance are less understood. Purpose: This study examined if coaching efficacy is predictive of player perceptions of coaches’ leadership styles, team atmosphere, and team performance in a soccer season. Method: Fifteen male premier league soccer coaches (Mage = 45.27, SD = 6.07) and 226 players (Mage = 25.66, SD = 3.96) from Botswana participated in the study. All participants completed a background information questionnaire. Coaches completed the Coaching Efficacy Scale. Players rated their coaches’ leadership styles using the Revised Leadership Scale for Sports as well as team atmosphere. Team performance was based on position in the league log and player ratings of the teams’ performance. Results: Findings showed that coaches’ self-ratings on technique efficacy predicted player perceptions of the coaches’ use of all six leadership styles. Game strategy efficacy predicted higher team atmosphere and team performance. Motivation efficacy was not significantly associated with player perceptions of the coaches’ use of any of the leadership styles, while character building efficacy was negatively associated with the various leadership styles. Conclusion: Findings provide support to previous research evidence linking higher coaching efficacy, leadership styles, and team outcomes. The study expands the emergent research within the coaching competency literature that examines player perceptions of coaches’ behaviors and leadership styles.  相似文献   

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Lim Peng Han 《国际体育史杂志》2018,35(12-13):1217-1237
Abstract

The Singapore Football Association (SFA) was founded in 1892. In 1904, the YMCA initiated the first football league with 12 teams from military and European clubs and School Old Boys’ teams. The first phase from 1904 to 1913 was restricted to European and Eurasian only. The military teams won six out of the nine tournaments. The second phase of the league began in 1917 and from 1921 to 1941. The Straits Chinese Football Association (SCFA) took part in the league and the rejuvenated SFA included a representative from the SCFA. The Singapore Football League started with two divisions 1921 and participating teams from the SCFA in the same year and the Malaya Football Association (MFA) in 1924. The SCFA won the league for the first time in 1925 and subsequently in 1930, 1937, and 1938. In 1929, the SFA was renamed the Singapore Amateur Football Association (SAFA). The MFA won the League for the first time in 1931, and the first local team to win three years in succession from 1931 to 1933. From 1931 to 1941 the local teams won seven league titles out of 11. By 1940 the League grew with 44 teams in three divisions.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Australian football is an indigenous game codified in 1859. In Melbourne, the code’s birthplace, the game remained officially committed to the amateur ideal for over a half-century. Illegal player payments nonetheless became increasingly commonplace. Moreover, periodically rumours swirled of champion footballers taking bribes to ‘play dead’. By the early 1900s, the code’s leading competition, the Victorian Football League (VFL), was derided with the ‘shamateurism’ label. Following a sensational match-fixing investigation that resulted in two players receiving five-year bans, in 1911 the VFL expunged its rule prohibiting player payments. Was the timing merely coincidental or was the League’s historic switch to professionalism a deliberate countermeasure to redirect press attention, renew public confidence, and restore the game’s integrity? By consulting the League’s official records and contemporary press articles, this work examines the overlooked yet discernible linkages between rising match-fixing allegations and the VFL’s decision to eschew amateurism and embrace professionalism. It argues that Australian football offers an instructive historical perspective of a sporting body tackling mounting concerns over corruption, taking back the ascendency by amending its rules to better govern over dishonest players and duplicitous club officials, thereby growing its popularity and restoring public perception of its integrity in the process.  相似文献   

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Lisa Gye 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(18):2190-2202
ABSTRACT

The Australian Football League (AFL) has made extensive efforts in the past decade to ensure that Australian Rules football is seen as an inclusive culture that respects, acknowledges, and desires the presence of female supporters in its membership base. Given that women have constituted a significant proportion of the football audience since the inception of the game in the mid-1800s, this show of support for women would appear to be belated and leads one to question what other motivations lie behind it. This article questions whether these recent attempts to acknowledge women as an important constituent group in AFL football culture, through the formation and/or maintenance of dedicated female supporter groups and networks in AFL football clubs, are genuinely aimed at making AFL club culture more inclusive of women.  相似文献   

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