The Impact of Receivers’ Nationality and Cultural Orientation on the Effects of Fear Appeals in Health Communication

Participants from the Netherlands (n = 52), China (n = 50), and South Africa (n = 166) either read a self-targeted or a family-targeted fear appeal message about chlamydia. Seven aspects of individual cultural orientation were measured, and six effects of the different messages. Interactions between nationality and target of threat were found on perceived severity, perceived susceptibility, and danger control. Only for perceived susceptibility, a difference in cultural orientation partly explained this interaction. The outcomes add to the doubts about claims in earlier literature about the relevance of receivers’ nationality and cultural orientation for developing a fear appeal message.     

China Cultural Center in Seoul:Photo Exhibition on the 70 Anniversary of China’s Foreign Assistance

In January 2021,China Cultural Center in Seoul launched an Online Photo Exhibition on the 70^(th)Anniversary of China's Foreign Assistance on its new media plat...     

The left‐wing movement in Malaya,Singapore and Borneo in the 1960s: ‘an era of hope or devil’s decade’?

Abstract

The 1960s was a period of Leftwing resurgence in the world. As Britain was disengaging from its empire, the ethnically plural societies she had generated within her protectorates and colonies in Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei threw up anti‐colonial movements that began struggling towards self‐determination and national independence. These movements manifested the ideologies of communism, socialism, nationalism and communalism. As British imperialism began planning its retreat, the competition for power among the local movements became intense. In Malaya, the largest of the five colonial territories, the communist party launched an armed rebellion in 1948 in the name of national liberation and independence, but made little headway. As Singapore and Malaya were closely linked and ruled, Britain introduced emergency rule in both territories. Most leftwing parties disappeared. Nationalist and communalist parties in Malaya emerged and eventually succeeded in securing national independence from Britain in 1957. Singapore was given a measure of limited self‐government in 1955, while Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei were gradually awakened towards self‐government. Leftwing parties re‐surfaced in Malaya, and in Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei in the 1950s and 1960s, and made some headway in parliamentary elections. This paper presents a historical account of their resurgence, which was however short‐lived.     

Emotional support on re-entry into the home country: Does it matter for repatriates’ adjustment who the providers are?

This study examines the influence of repatriates’ emotional support providers (home country friends/relatives, host country friends/relatives, and friends/relatives with expatriate experience) on both their psychological and sociocultural adjustment on re-entry into their home country. The study builds on social identity theory and examines the mediating role of the salience of repatriates’ international role identity. Predictions are tested using a quantitative survey data of 121 repatriates. The results show a positive indirect effect of the amount of support repatriates receive from home country friends/relatives on both dimensions of adjustment through a decreased salience of their international role identity. Furthermore, analyses show a negative indirect effect of maintaining supportive connections with host country friends/relatives on both psychological and sociocultural adjustment through an increased salience of repatriates’ international role identity. The results also show a direct effect of having or not having host country friends/relatives as emotional support providers in such a way that repatriates who do not have supportive host country friends/relatives are better psychologically adjusted upon re-entry. This study raises new questions about generally accepted advice for the adjustment strategies of expatriates, such as building connections with host country nationals.     

Who’s counting whom? Non-National museum attendances in the UK: part 1

ABSTRACT

This paper is the first part of a study on visit numbers to UK regional and local museums. It reviews the limited past research on the topic, examines the motivations for counting such visits and the means required to do so, and explores the methods used from the early nineteenth century to now. A concluding section discusses the theme within the context of modern public policy on museums.

In relating historic context to current practice, it shows that, irrespective of the general use of visit numbers as a proxy for public interest and institutional importance, the practice of collecting museum visit numbers continues to be inconsistent and their publication erratic. It suggests that the lack of accepted good practice makes this an area for improvement.     

‘Fear of Giving Offence Makes Me Give the More Offence’: Politeness,Speech and Its Impediments in British Society,c.1660–1800

ABSTRACT

In the period c.1660–1800, there was an unprecedented interest in the spoken word in Britain, and for those who aspired to be polite, a new emphasis upon the sounds of their speech. But what did this mean for the lives of those who stammered, stuttered or had a lisp? How far were speech impediments experienced or viewed as disabilities? This article argues that in their quest for polite manners and refinement, the socially ambitious were prepared to invest time and money upon improving their speech. This created demand for the services of speech specialists, a new occupational group who forged their identity during this time. The consequences of their advertising techniques, which suggested that speech impediments could and should be overcome, are explored. Finally, this article examines how polite society set standards for listening and responding to the sounds of people with speech impediments.     

Shared future – shared values? Taking stock of the peace process in Northern Ireland: teenagers’ perspectives

ABSTRACT

Although preceded by years of political and policy developments, the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (or Belfast Agreement) in 1998 is generally regarded as marking the end of conflict and the beginning of the transition to peace. However, this transition has been neither linear nor straightforward. Divisions, both physical and symbolic, reflecting collective identities and ‘otherness’, remain resistant to change and continue to foster sectarianism, mistrust and outbreaks of violence. Despite some positive change, not least of which is the absence of sustained violence, the majority of neighbourhoods and schools remain either Protestant or Catholic. Drawing on data from the Young Life and Times (YLT) survey, an annual attitudinal survey of 16-year-olds in Northern Ireland that has been running since 2003, this article explores what young people's perspectives reveal about the complexities and the challenges involved in transitioning to a more shared society. Where relevant and possible, their attitudes are compared with those expressed by adults in the annual Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) survey. A primary focus on tracking teenagers' attitudes is important for a number of reasons. While often regarded as a ‘post-conflict’ generation, segregation and polarisation remain features of teenagers' everyday lives and the political landscape. Children and young people are one of the four key strategic priorities in the latest government strategies to build united communities and achieve change and are embedded in the Programme for Government 2016–2021. If these government commitments are to be realised, the voices of young people must become central rather than peripheral. It is important, therefore, that their opinions are not only sought, but also interrogated and fed into policy.     

A More Perfect European Union?: The Transnational Networks of the European Union’s Embassy Open House in Washington,D.C.

Annually, the Delegation of the European Union (EU) in Washington, D.C., holds an embassy open house day for its 27 member nations to celebrate European culture and educate tourists on the functions of EU politics and international relations. Amidst an ongoing debt crisis and a continuing exploration of its identity as a supranational entity, “Embassy Day” affords an opportunity to see the EU as a spatial network uneasily caught in the tensions between the often nostalgic nationalism of its constituent countries and the future-oriented technocratic transnationalism of its composite alliance. By analyzing the cultural artifacts of Embassy Day from its handouts, maps, speeches, architecture, and performances, I treat Embassy Day as a “rhetorical experience” and the EU embassies as a transnational network imposed over the city space of Washington, D.C. In the process, I argue that the very fragmented nature of the open house’s complex simulation of Europe mirrors the fragmented nature of European identity itself, and thus displays the anxiety around how the EU places itself and its power vis-à-vis the global community.