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1.
在经济全球化背景下,现代思想政治教育实践要关注我国社会主义现代化建设的发展,更要关注人类的共同前途和命运,把可持续发展作为重要历史使命,建立全球的、生态中心主义新型的价值观,促进并服务于社会的发展,不断彰显现代思想政治教育在全球化进程中的价值。现代思想政治教育价值是现代思想政治教育活动对社会发展和人的全面发展的意义问题。现代思想政治教育的价值超越了传统思想政治教育单纯作为政治斗争工具的界限,在社会政治、经济、文化、生态和人的全面发展中具有复合价值。价值是一个不断发展的范畴,无论现代思想政治教育的政治、经济、文化价值,还是其对人的全面发展的价值,都随着社会实践的发展而发展,这个过程中既有价值实现的内容,又有价值创造的内容,是价值实现和价值创造的有机统一。人的全面自由发展是共产主义的最高价值目标,是人类全球化的必然归宿,也是现代思想政治教育的最高理想境界。现代思想政治教育对人的思想道德素质的提高、理想人格的塑造、精神动力的激发和人生境界的提升方面具有重大价值。  相似文献   

2.
邹丽 《大观周刊》2012,(51):432-433
经济全球化是当前和未来世界发展的重要趋势之一,它对我国的经济发展、社会生活以及思想政治教育产生了广泛而深刻的影响。在这一时代背景下,我国传统的思想政治教育无论在教育内容、教育方法方面,还是在价值导向方面都受到了严峻的挑战。同时,大学生作为青年的代表,他们思想政治水平关平中华民族的兴袁存亡,直接关系到中国特色社会主义事业的成,进一步加强和改进大学生思想政治教育是一项重大而紧迫的任务。  相似文献   

3.
一、出版模式转变的根源--"全球化"征象 1、全球化的定义 从宏观的角度解释,由于世界自1980年代末起,正逐步朝着"全球化"方向发展,令全球人类生活的模式转变.全球化是种现象,它具有多种涵义,目前几乎成为一种"标识".与此同时,全球化是一种"多维度"的发展历程,包括政治、经济和文化等方面.  相似文献   

4.
全球化趋势下的中国广播发展策略   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
当今世界,社会生活的几乎所有领域都无法摆脱全球化进程的影响。这些进程体现在包括政治、经济、文化等所有的社会领域。全球化最好被理解为一个多面的分化的社会现象。不能把它看作一个单一的状态,相反它指的是在社会活动的所有关键领域中不断全球化的相互联系模式。要理解全球化的动力和后果需要了解在每个领域中不同的全球联系模式的情况。因此,本文分别从宏观层面:政治、经济、文化全球化背景下的中国广播的生存与发展和微观层面:“技术”与“节目”——中国广播应对全球化的主战场人手进行分析。力图提供一种宏观的全景式描述与微观的可操作方案。  相似文献   

5.
政治传播的本质反映的是一种国家与社会的互动关系,其功能就是它在特定社会中所起的作用和影响。虽然政治传播作为一个重要的政治现象广泛地存在每个国家与社会之中,但不同的国家和社会之间政治传播所起的作用和影响是不完全相同的。中国的政治传播具有自身特殊的发展阶段和环境、发展模式、以及在社会中特殊的结构性地位,无论在理论上还是实践上都有别于西方国家的政治传播。中国语境下政治传播的功能主要体现在服务、控制、发展三大方面,这是中国政治传播功能的核心体现。创造良好政治传播环境和条件,充分发挥政治传播的积极作用,对于推动中国现代化建设具有重要的意义。  相似文献   

6.
目前全球信息技术特别是信息网络技术高度发展,既为我们提供了广阔的发展空间,又向我们提出了非常复杂、非常艰巨的历史任务和严峻挑战。无论是从与国内外各种敌对势力在渗透与反渗透、颠覆与反颠覆的政治斗争上看,还是从作为第四媒体──互联网的崛起引起的新一轮传媒大战的角度来看,人民日报作为党中央机关报,都应当高度重视并切实加强本报网络建设工作。 一、党中央对互联网新闻宣传十分关心、重视 党中央对互联网新闻宣传,对高技术、全球化背景下的信息产业发展一直非常重视。近几年来,江泽民总书记多次就国际互联网问题发表重要…  相似文献   

7.
《新闻界》2014,(10):28-31
从人类文化发展的进程来看,跨媒体传播注重使用新技术将同一种信息内容进行符码转换,并使之成为适用于不同的信息承载媒介或信息接收终端的传播模式,融入了大量数字模拟仿像技术、数字合称成像技术,实现了数字传播的视觉、听觉、触觉一体化逼真效果。它是消费社会信息生产逻辑的必然产物和消费文化崛起的必然需求,是全球化语境中不同体系的文化实现信息交流的必然选择,是政治话语空间民主化发展的必然结果。这种新型传播模式将对文化观念、传统文化大众化、文化的社会参与、建构创新型文化都将产生不可估量的正面影响。  相似文献   

8.
作为党性原则的重要组成部分,"政治家办报"思想体现了党对新闻工作者的政治要求,反映着政治与新闻的特殊关系.本文从分析历史语境的角度,在还原毛泽东提出"政治家办报"的背景之基础上,考察其思想脉络和主要所指;并沿着我国社会主义改革和发展轨迹,梳清邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛等历届党的领导人在继承"政治家办报"思想的同时,赋予其时代创新元素和不同政治承载;坚持"政治家办报"思想,为全球化语境下营造有利的国际舆论环境提供一种新的思路.  相似文献   

9.
一、全球化的浪潮 近年来,国际上原本分歧的意识形态,渐渐地趋向融合,再加上GATT、WTO、IMF的推波助澜,及网际网络等通讯科技的迅速发展,全球化已形成一股不能抗拒的潮流。全球化浪潮席卷世界各个角落,无论政府、企业还是个人,都不可避免地受到全球化的冲击。不仅是经济,科技、文化、政治等方面也都逐渐突破地域的界限而被刻上全球化的烙  相似文献   

10.
黄辉 《青年记者》2012,(18):43-44
随着全球化进程的加快和科学技术的发展,以互联网为代表的新媒体己影响到社会政治、经济、文化等各领域.大学生作为新媒体的主要使用群体,他们的价值取向、道德观念与行为模式等也深受影响.如何驾驭和把握新媒体的两面性,加强对大学生使用新媒体的引导,充分利用新媒体技术的优势为教育和管理服务,是当前高校管理者亟待解决的问题.  相似文献   

11.
This article utilizes two national representative surveys to examine the roles of political news use, political discussion, and authoritarian orientation in shaping political participation in two democratizing societies: Singapore and Taiwan. The regression findings show that in both societies, the effects of political news use and political discussion have to be conditioned on the type of political participation as well as the nature of the political system. Both mass and interpersonal communications are confirmed to positively influence contact and campaign participation, to different degrees depending upon the political system. Interaction effects between the two communication variables are seen as well. The authoritarian orientation is found to mainly interact with communication factors to shape political participation. Implications regarding communication influences on political participation in societies where authoritarianism is evident are discussed.  相似文献   

12.
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   

13.
以布迪厄的场域理论为出发点,基于对南方Z市政务微信编辑的深度访谈,本文研究认为,政务微信生产实践宜理解为新闻场域与政治场域两种文化逻辑之间的融合与冲突,理解为其间各行动主体之间的博弈。具体地,政务微信的融合形态有四,即,"忠"且"传","忠"而不"传","不忠"而"传","不忠"且"不传"。融合中的冲突性元素源于各自相异的场域逻辑,显现为融合中的行动主体--行政领导与微信编辑--在投入与效果、有为与无为、代际差异三方面的博弈。不过,两大场域在目标上可能的一致性,即,政治安全前提下的市场致效,使得政务新媒体仍存在有机融合的空间。基于此,本文尝试性地将我国政务新媒体实践概括为"博弈性融合"。  相似文献   

14.
This study, guided by family communication patterns theory, examined the role of family communication in political socialization. We tested whether certain communication styles were associated with higher levels of political similarity within the family. Additionally, the independent influences of the mother and father, as well as the direction of these influences, were considered. Results suggest that different communication styles are associated with higher levels of political similarity. Additionally, it was found that children were more likely to share their mothers' political attitudes than their fathers'. Explanations for these findings are discussed and implications focusing on the role of communication in the socialization literature are considered.  相似文献   

15.
Based on almost 50 years of combined experience as prison activists and prison teachers, the authors offer three case studies of prison activism and pedagogy in action. The first case study, by Hartnett, details the “artistry of agency” as enacted in poetry workshops in prison and in public poetry events, thus illustrating artistic communication. The second, by Wood, examines how friendship becomes political in the epistolary communication between free and imprisoned correspondents, thus addressing interpersonal communication. The third, by McCann, addresses web-based communication as a tool for advocacy for condemned prisoner/activists on Texas’s death row, and hence political communication. Taken as a whole, the three case studies celebrate different communication strategies as avenues of enlightenment and empowerment while offering powerful arguments for abolishing the prison–industrial complex.  相似文献   

16.
政治信息沟通对传媒的诉求   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
政治信息沟通是一个国家政治文明建设的缩影.现代化传播媒介以其不可替代的优势,正日益成为世界政治舞台上重要的信息沟通工具.本文从解析传媒的政治功能着手,论述了传媒在当代政治信息沟通方面发挥重要作用的可能性,并对当代中国政治信息沟通对传媒的诉求进行了阐述.  相似文献   

17.
媒体是否能促进民主、怎样的媒体才能促进民主,这样的问题作为政治传播宏观效果研究的核心问题是当代中国政治传播的研究重点。经典自由主义理论和"公共领域"理论是西方政治传播学在该问题上的两大最重要的理论资源,本文对其进行批判式评析,以期对当代中国的政治传播宏观效果研究有所启示。  相似文献   

18.
传播政治经济学领军人物麦切斯尼是批判学派中少有的批判与建构并行的学者。他运用政治经济学的路径揭示了美国商业化传播体制的种种真相,提出了传播拐点和传播研究革命的论断,并提出了各项媒介改革策略,对我们认识美国式商业化媒介体制多有裨益,对中国传播业和传播研究多有启示。  相似文献   

19.
This study examines relationships among interpersonal informational trust and openness with Internet-based political activities and attitudes. Conceptually, it proposes the categorization of online spaces and activities as consumption or interaction types, and classifies interpersonal informational trust within inner and outer circles. Interpersonal informational trust was found to be positively associated with perception of online activities as political participation. It also was associated with use of all types of online media for purposes of political communication, but mostly with online spaces that require interaction with others. Interpersonal political openness showed positive association with the use of interactive-type Web sites for purposes of political communication.  相似文献   

20.

Campaigns are complex exercises in the creation, transmission, and mutation of significant political symbols. However, there are important differences between political communication through new media and political communication through traditional media. I argue that the most interesting change in patterns of political communication is in the way political culture is produced, not in the way it is consumed. These changes are presented through the findings from systematic ethnographies of two organizations devoted to digitizing the social contract. DataBank.com is a private data mining company that used to offer its services to wealthier campaigns, but can now sell data to the smallest nascent grassroots movements and individuals. Astroturf-Lobby.org is a political action committee that helps lobbyists seek legislative relief to grievances by helping these groups find and mobilize their sympathetic publics. I analyze the range of new media tools for producing political culture, and with this ethnographic evidence build two theories about the role of new media in advanced democracies-a theory of thin citizenship and a theory about data shadows as a means of political representation.  相似文献   

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