儒家孝道的等级分层及其施政影响

在中国古代孝道伦理的创建发展中,儒家学者为不同身份的社会成员设计了不同的孝道内容及行孝方式,儒孝伦理被具体化解为天子之孝、人臣之孝、庶人之孝等多序列等级分层.不同等级的孝道分层,各有不同的行孝内容及行孝标准,在儒家"孝治"施政的统治秩序中,体现着各不相同的社会政治意义.     

The Effectiveness of the Title I Compensatory Education Program: 1965-1997

We examine the nature and quality of some of the most prominent evaluations of Title I over the past 3 decades. The early assessments conducted in the late 1960s and early 1970s were plagued by a host of inadequacies of both programmatic implementation and evaluation designs and procedures. These flawed assessments suggested that Title I was not meeting its fundamental mandate of eliminating the large achievement gaps between high-poverty students and their less-disadvantaged peers. Beginning in the mid- 1970s and continuing periodically to the present, a series of large-scale, national evaluations of the program has been conducted. The earliest of these studies revealed that Title I was modestly enhancing the math and reading achievement of moderately disadvantaged students hut was failing to improve the relative performance of the most needy segment of the Title I population. Further, such effects typically "faded out" as students progressed through school. Finally, the evidence indicates that the program was not cost effective in that no relation existed between programmatic costs and achievement gains. However, in the past decade, evaluation studies, conducted at both the national and local levels, indicate that a variety of local programs, especially comprehensive, school-wide models, have evolved that provide convincing evidence of at least limited effectiveness of Title I. The hallmarks of such models are clear goals; methods and materials linked to the goals; continuous assessment of student progress; well-specified programmatic components, materials, and professional development procedures; and dissemination of results by organizations that focus on quality of implementation.     

南昌起义与中央民主决策

中国共产党在国民革命军第二方面军直接控制的叶挺十一军二十四师、第四军二十五师和亲共的贺龙二十军,随二方面军"东征讨蒋",集结九江,准备"依张回粤,徐图发展",后因二方面军总指挥张发奎追随武汉国民政府汪精卫,准备在庐山会议"分共",在九江的中共党政军领导人连续召开三次会议,策划南昌起义,中共中央成立中共前敌委员会,领导了南昌起义,起义获得了成功。     

美国的民主政治与决策效率

美国是典型的资本主义民主制国家，其决策过程表现为一批权力中心的相互作用，权力分散是美国政治的一个重要特征。然而，体现美国式民主的分权体制也造成了政府决策效率低下的结果，其负面影响日益引起人们的批评与关注，美国政治中民主与效率之间产生了一定程度的冲突和低触。民主政治在可能导致决策效率低下这一消极后果的同时，也包含了许多积极的因素：首先，在现代社会，民主已经成为政府统计合法性的基础；其次，广泛的政治参与在程度上有利于公共利益的界定；最后，民主政治可以使社会在稳定的基础上进行渐进的变革，因此，不能因为强调效率而否定民主。决策效率不高既是美国民主政治的体现，又是民主政治所付出的代价。     

论决策过程中的逻辑性与非逻辑性

决策过程是一个思维过程，是逻辑思维与非逻辑思维的统一。决策必须遵循逻辑规则和逻辑规律，但仅有逻辑思维是不够的，还需要非逻辑思维相配合。逻辑思维与非逻辑思维在决策过程中互相渗透、互相补充，共同支配和影响决策的全过程。     

政府决策科学化与民主化的制度创新初探——以中西方决策机制比较为研究视角

中西政府的决策机制存在着较大的差异.通过对整个决策过程的考察和比较分析,可以从英美等西方国家的政府决策各环节中析解出许多值得我们学习和借鉴的有益做法,比如在民意输入环节要广泛开辟民意的输入渠道,在利益整合环节要让各种不同的利益群体代表进行充分博弈,在正式决策环节要尽量增加透明度并允许不同方案进行竞争等等.在中国特色的政治体制下,其中尤其还应该要注意处理好党委与政府在决策中的作用或角色问题.我们应该积极地对西方国家的决策机制进行探讨、学习和借鉴,以进一步提高我国政府的决策能力和水平.     

中国—新加坡关系(1965-1976)——认知差异下的互不信任

在新加坡建国的头十一年里,中国和新加坡的关系表现为互不信任乃至互为敌视。由于两国领导人的个人经历、所受教育、所处环境的差异,造成彼此在外交事务上思维的巨大差异,特别是1976年之前,两国领导人之间几乎不接触,对彼此一知半解,并且在意识形态领域与对超级大国态度上存在认知差异,这也导致了对对方的认知差异甚至是误解。正是彼此间的认知差异与对对方的妖魔化造成了互相之间的不信任与敌视。当1976年两国领导人开始接触后,认知差异开始消解,双方开始认识到彼此的共同利益,双边关系走上正向发展道路。     

非正规金融的成因及政策研究

介绍了非正规金融的各种定义及其主要形式，并对非正规金融在发达国家和发展中国家的形成机制进行了比较研究，还结合当前国内外关于非正规金融的研究成果，对我国非正规金融的政策取向及其制定提出了一些建议。     

加强风险预测减少决策失误

分析了目前建设项目可行性研究存在的问题，并有针对性地提出项目可行性研究风险预测应注意的几个主要方面，为项目决策者减少决策失误提供了有益的参考。     

我国教育政策制定过程与影响因素分析

教育政策制定过程是相当复杂的,它包括教育政策问题产生、教育政策议程、教育政策决定和教育政策文本出台等几个阶段。文章通过分析教育政策制定的过程与影响因素,提出建立教育政策制定过程的完善对策,即教育政策制定过程的多元主体参与模式、权力机制、完善决策程序与程序制度化。     

课程政策制定过程的特征与本质

20世纪80年代后,很多国家把制定课程政策作为改善教育质量的重要途径,各个国家课程政策的制定过程表现出一些趋同特征。课程政策议程的确立是国家政治改革的一部分,政府部门整体控制与专业咨询和民主参与相结合,课程由部分专家把握,这一过程总是伴随着矛盾和争议,课程政策制定有一定的程序化决策机制。我们可以从这些特征中看到课程政策的制定是一个政治过程,一个权威性与民主性结合的过程,一个理性与非理性结合的过程,一个理论物化的过程,同时又是一个连续的与体系化的过程。     

从心理战到公共外交:美国对外宣传战略及机制的嬗变(1945-1965)

战后初期,美国政府确定对外宣传政策的基本原则是"完整而公正"地展现美国形象。朝鲜战争爆发后,美国决策者转而奉行强势的反共宣传政策,不断强化对外宣传机制的建设。50年代中期后,美苏双边文化关系日益获得突破与发展,在形象修辞与反共论调的双重驱动下,美国最终形成了一个稳定而高效运行的公共外交结构。     

Reluctant partners in modernization: The National Autonomous University of Mexico and its links with industry

We identify the discourse which underlies a series of interviews with opinion leaders who represent academia, industry, and government in Mexico. All three sectors identify with modernization and claim that higher education should play a more active role in transferring modern technology to Mexican industry. Privately, however, all informants appear to oppose such a technology transfer for various reasons. The contrast between public and private positions suggests an eroding confidence in the role of higher education as a factor of modernization. Political power in Mexico once derived its legitimacy from social and economic stability, not from science and technology. Lately stability is increasingly being questioned, while conservative institutions of higher education such as UNAM are caught in the crossfire. Our research suggests a persistence of pre-industrial stereotypes derived from an obsolete Colonial ideology which has outworn its usefulness. These results demand a re-interpretation of the crisis in our higher education system. While the National University has consistently satisfied the demand for graduates in the country (Lorey 1993), in 1995 more than 120,000 applications for freshman registration were rejected. Graduates from public universities are being displaced from political decision-making. The question of reform of higher education in Mexico has serious implications for the future of the nation.     

相互依存与国家自主性的销蚀

国家自主性是指国家在国际国内超越各种社会势力,独立实施其政治过程的能力或特性。不对称性和脆弱性是相互依存的本质特征,相互依存意味着代价和责任。国际相互依存侵蚀着国家自主性,同时相互依存关系的发展又要求国家自主性保持一定的限度。     

Political Transitions and the Internationalisation of English: Implications for Language Planning,Policy-making and Pedagogy

Languages change and adapt to new political, socio-cultural and economic realities, and people change in terms of their attitudes towards languages, the languages they learn, the circumstances in which they use those languages and the purposes they use them for. These changes have important implications for language planning and language policy, and for determining the ends and means of language teaching. This paper outlines the different roles and functions of English and attitudes towards the language during its transition from colonial language to international lingua franca. I argue that attitudes, and particularly the attitudes of those involved in the English language teaching ‘industry’, have failed to take these changes adequately into account. The paper distinguishes between international and intra-national purposes for using English, and considers the target language proficiency, curriculum content and the ideal teachers for a notional international (as opposed to intranational) variety of English. The paper concludes that identifying such a variety would free the international language from native-speaker, and other, ethnocentrisms, and from any remaining colonial or neo-colonial assumptions of cultural and linguistic superiority. Defining International English in this way would also make it easier, quicker and cheaper to learn.     

相互依存与国家自主性的销蚀

国家自主性是指国家在国际国内超越各种社会势力,独立实施其政治过程的能力或特性.不对称性和脆弱性是相互依存的本质特征,相互依存意味着代价和责任.国际相互依存侵蚀着国家自主性,同时相互依存关系的发展又要求国家自主性保持一定的限度.