Children's media use in Indonesia

This article explores how Indonesian children have integrated media into their daily lives: media ownership at home, media uses, and gratifications sought, are discussed, as is the way in which gender and social-status influence the children–media relationship. Survey data of Jakarta-based children aged 9–15 (N=589) reveal that Indonesian children live in a media saturated environment, with high availability of media platforms in their homes and bedrooms. Similar to children in the US and Europe, children in Jakarta spend considerable amounts of time on a wealth of media platforms and experience multiple gratifications from using multiple media. Gender differences persist in that boys tend to be more into gaming, while girls focus more on communication aspects. High social-status children tend to have more media at their disposal in their bedroom, especially electronic games, computers, and Internet connections. Television is still prominent in the media menu of today, but mobile phones are ready to take its place in the near future.     

A cross-cultural comparison of cognitive and affective mediators in the relationship between media use and body image disturbance: focusing on US and Korean women

This study examined whether the relationship between cumulative thin-ideal media and body image disturbance is mediated by (1) cognitive variables, including beliefs about normative thinness and thinness prevalence and (2) affective variables, including dejection and agitation. Also, this study tested whether mediating effects would be different across cultures. Results revealed that perception about normative thinness mediated the relationship between thin–ideal media use and body image disturbance among both US and Korean participants and the effect was stronger for Korean participants. Thinness prevalence estimation did not mediate thin-ideal media use and body image disturbance in either Korean or US participants. Dejection was a statistically significant mediator for the relationship between thin-ideal media use and body image disturbance for both Korean and US participants, but no cultural differences were found. Agitation was also a statistically significant mediator for thin-ideal media use and body image disturbance, but only for Korean participants. Cultural differences in mediating effects were explained based on individualism and collectivism.     

Competition and the decline in Western television program popularity in Indonesia during the 1990s

Despite the country's population base of 240 million, Indonesian television has not been widely explored in academic and professional venues. This paper examines the impact of competition on the popularity of foreign programs in the Indonesian market during the mid-1990s. Analyzing recently released ratings data from a television ratings service, this paper suggests that competition has given rise to the popularity of local programs, while foreign program popularity has declined steeply during the same three year period. The findings also suggest that cultural proximity is a factor of the popularity of programs. By 1997, Asian programs outnumbered Western programs on the top 100 highest rated program lists in Indonesia. We explore implications of study findings for filling this void in the literature.     

Public employees' use of social media: Its impact on need satisfaction and intrinsic work motivation

Although increasing numbers of employees working in public organizations are using social media for work purposes and numerous studies exist on how social media affect organizational outcomes, we have very limited knowledge of how using social media for work purposes affects employees' work motivation. This paper fills this important gap by using self-determination theory (SDT) to analyze how the use of social media for work purposes is associated with government employees' need satisfaction and intrinsic work motivation. According to regression results, employees' use of social media is positively related to employees' need satisfaction (autonomy, relatedness, and competence) and, accordingly, intrinsic work motivation. However, further analysis shows that too much use of social media has an averse effect. Theoretically, this study is one of the pioneer attempts to integrate e-governance with SDT. Practically, we encourage managers to use caution in promoting the use of social media for work purposes. Using social media two to three days a week may be the ideal range.     

The last refuge of media persuasion: news use,national pride and political trust in China

This study examines theoretical connections among three variables, each in its own way engendering profound political implications for the Chinese society today: news use, national pride, and political trust. We focused on the impact of ‘positivity bias in news’ and advanced a theoretical model on the basis of framing theory to address the dynamics of propaganda and its persuasive effects. Using data from the World Value Survey, we found: (1) news use in general, television news viewing in particular, was positively associated with political trust and national pride; (2) impact of news use on political trust disappeared once national pride was statistically controlled; and (3) intensity of national pride moderated the bivariate relationship between news use and political trust. The effect of party propaganda intended to consolidate political trust in China was contingent upon both one's affective ties to the state and the form of news media regularly consumed.     

New media and new politics with old cemeteries and disused railways: advocacy goes digital in Singapore

This article seeks to demonstrate the significance of new media in reconfiguring and expanding the politics of conservation in the rapidly urbanizing postcolonial city state of Singapore. The critical role of new media is examined, in providing new access and connectivity to the efforts of non-governmental organizations, particularly heritage groups in the republic in advocating for the conservation of lands around the former Malayan Railway line and Bukit Brown Cemetery in Singapore. In two case studies, activists and enthusiasts of all ages are seen to quickly build up and share an organic knowledge and memory base in cyberspace, through postings on Facebook and sharing of digital photographs and videos, recorded with digital cameras and smartphones. These actions are significant as collectively staking cultural ownerships of heritage sites about to be lost. As new media are promptly adopted as tools for social mobilization with the ability to circulate events, news and debates through Google+ to Twitter, new publics, new community leaders and new alliances begin to emerge in a scene once dominated by traditional and formal organizations. Like any other medium, new media possess affordances of its own and impact the meanings that are conserved and interpreted through heritage. With Singaporeans ranked in the world as the most frequent users of new media portals like Facebook, the authors explore the cultivation of a new form of citizenry via new media in pushing for the politics of memory, nature and heritage in the highly modernized cityscape.     

Multiple issue publics in the high-choice media environment: media use,online activity,and political knowledge

This study examines the role of membership in multiple issue publics by understanding its relationship to media use, online activity, and political knowledge. Using data from Taiwan's 2008 Social Change Survey, the study shows that members of multiple issue publics was positively associated with television watching, political talk show watching, and online news reading. In addition, they were found to engage in specific online activities, including information browsing, information exchanging, information gathering, taking part in forum discussions, and blogging. Therefore, members of multiple issue publics tend to use media with a high level of selectivity and engage in online activities that allow them to express opinions, gain knowledge, or discuss issues with others. A curvilinear relationship was explored and found between multiple issue-public membership and general political knowledge. This demonstrates that individuals' ability to process information may not extend beyond certain boundaries, no matter how many issue publics individuals are involved in.     

Testing a cultural orientation model of electronic word-of-mouth communication: a comparative study of U.S. and Korean social media users

Expanding electronic word-of-mouth (eWOM) literature and cross-cultural literature, this study proposes a horizontal–vertical dimensions of individualism and collectivism (HVIC)-eWOM model in a cross-cultural context. We employed HVIC at the individual level to explain the variance of eWOM communications on social media. We collected data from American and Korean social media users to examine how the hypothesized model fits the samples from each country. The analysis of the HVIC-eWOM model within and between the two countries revealed that there are some similarities and differences in influential cultural dimensions on eWOM communications in the two countries. The results suggest that vertical aspects of individualism and collectivism are significant drivers of opinion-leadership and opinion-seeking tendencies for both countries.     

Diversity or homogeny: concentration of ownership and media diversity in Pakistan

Using democratic participant theory as a framework to explain media performance, this article examines the implications of ownership concentration and diversity on democracy and analyzes the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority's (PEMRA) endeavors to implement the principle of diversity as espoused in its mandate. It finds that though PEMRA accelerated the growth of electronic media in Pakistan, it failed to promote local and diverse media as PEMRA policies supported diagonal integration and lead to concentration of ownership. PEMRA was also criticized for suppressing independent media when it was brought under the control of Ministry of Information in 2007. The study concludes that regulatory mechanisms in developing countries like Pakistan are still a tool in the hands of the government to control media, and development of a participatory and diverse media is a normative ideal not yet translated into reality.     

异化理论与媒介批判

本文从马克思的“异化理论”与卢卡奇的“物化理论”出发 ,对媒介批判的内容与目的进行了反思 ,提出媒介批判的内容应涉及“媒介产品的异化”、“媒介活动本身的异化”、“媒介组织与媒介从业者的异化”、“媒介组织与其他参照物之间的异化”等诸多层面 ,媒介批判的目的就是从当今社会媒介的异化现象出发 ,找寻媒介“扬弃异化”的方法与途径 ,在批判与超越中使人们逐渐摆脱被自己创造物“奴役”的状况 ,从而实现社会个体与社会整体的自由发展与全面进步。     

Examining public acquisition of science knowledge from social media in Singapore: an extension of the cognitive mediation model

This study extends the cognitive mediation model (CMM) by examining the role of social media in cultivating public science knowledge. A sample of 901 Singaporeans was collected through an online survey panel. The results showed that the CMM could be applied to a social media context with a focus on science literacy. Specifically, the findings indicated that people with higher levels of surveillance gratification and social utility motivations tended to pay more attention and to elaborate more about science news that they encounter on social media. Likewise, people with greater social utility motivation tended to engage in greater interpersonal discussions on social media. Notably, attention to news on social media had an indirect association with science knowledge through news elaboration and interpersonal discussion on social media. Implications for theory and practice for science communication were discussed.     

The effects of political news use,political discussion and authoritarian orientation on political participation: evidences from Singapore and Taiwan

This article utilizes two national representative surveys to examine the roles of political news use, political discussion, and authoritarian orientation in shaping political participation in two democratizing societies: Singapore and Taiwan. The regression findings show that in both societies, the effects of political news use and political discussion have to be conditioned on the type of political participation as well as the nature of the political system. Both mass and interpersonal communications are confirmed to positively influence contact and campaign participation, to different degrees depending upon the political system. Interaction effects between the two communication variables are seen as well. The authoritarian orientation is found to mainly interact with communication factors to shape political participation. Implications regarding communication influences on political participation in societies where authoritarianism is evident are discussed.     

News use,nationalism, and Internet use motivations as predictors of anti-Japanese political actions in China

Although the rise of nationalistic activism in the Chinese online sphere has drawn much scholarly attention, few studies have examined how nationalism, usages, and motivations of the Internet affect nationalistic actions among general Internet users in China. Using Sino-Japanese diplomatic disputes as a testing ground, this study investigates the effects of news use from traditional and new media, nationalistic attitudes, and motivations for Internet use on anti-Japanese political behaviors such as boycotting and protest participation. Analyses of online survey data revealed that nationalism is positively correlated with information-seeking and social-interaction motivations for Internet use regarding Sino-Japanese disputes. Results also showed that the stronger the motivation for using the Internet to discuss topics associated with Sino-Japanese disputes, the more likely respondents engaged in anti-Japanese behaviors. This study indicates that nationalistic attitudes and motivations involved in the use of new media technologies have significant effects on mobilizing supporters for anti-Japanese actions.     

Social media communication strategies of government agencies: Twitter use in Korea and the USA

This study examines Twitter use by the central government in Korea and the federal government in the USA by employing the webometric technique to extract their Twitter activity (basic Twitter statistics such as the numbers of followers, followings, and Tweets) and the social network analysis technique to map the relationship between their Twitter accounts and the direction of outlinks in their Tweets. The results of the initial analysis indicate some differences in Twitter strategies between the two governments. For example, Korean ministries were well connected through a dense network, engaged in collective cooperation, and retweeted common content to reinforce their collective agendas regardless of their main administrative functions, whereas US government departments were less collective and more individualistic and retweeted those messages that specifically fit the purpose of each department. In addition, the results for outlinks indicate that US government departments preferred private sources of information, whereas Korean ministries, government sources.     

Information networks and social media use in public diplomacy: a comparative analysis of South Korea and Japan

This article examines how South Korean and Japanese public diplomacy organizations employ digital media to embrace the principle of ‘networked public diplomacy’ through analyses of the web and social media practices. A network analysis was used to map interorganizational information networks among core public diplomacy organizations in each country. To reveal the key organizations' communication strategies on Facebook, a content analysis was also conducted. The findings indicate that Japan had a strong internal network infrastructure achieved through dispersed connections and partnerships; however, Korea had a centralized network, including a limited number of dominant actors. The results of content analysis suggest that both South Korea and Japanese public diplomats focused on promoting their cultural products and national values through their use of texts and visual images. In addition, user profile analysis gaged the degree of users' engagement in the organizations' profiles and identified the demographic features of users. Comparative data suggest the Korean public diplomacy organization was more successful at attracting and engaging with foreign public than the Japanese public diplomacy organization. These results imply that although these two countries had similar sociopolitical backgrounds and perspectives of public diplomacy, they had distinct forms of internal information networks, communication strategies, and social networking performances with public.     

News media,movies, and anti-Muslim prejudice: investigating the role of social contact

This study examines the relationship between Indian non-Muslim adolescents’ Western and Indian news media use, exposure to Hollywood and Bollywood movies, and their prejudice against Muslim minorities. Based on contact hypothesis, the moderating roles of out-group contact were tested within this framework. Multivariate analyses revealed that Western news media use and exposure to Hollywood movies were significant predictors of anti-Muslim prejudice, while frequent, enriched contact with Muslims reduced out-group prejudice. The relationship between Indian news media use and prejudice was statistically insignificant. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.     

Social media use in local government: Linkage of technology,task, and organizational context

Social media technologies have begun to enter the governmental workplace as tools to accomplish improved public service and engagement. Widespread recognition of the potential of social media technology for achieving public outcomes does not match our understanding about how and why specific tools are being used for specific purposes. This paper makes use of newly collected national survey data from local government managers in five different agencies to address the questions: which social media tools are being used, for which tasks or purposes; and what organizational characteristics influence the coupling of task and technology. Findings reveal patterns of social media tool application for particular purposes, although organizations do not all use social media tools in the same way. Moreover, regression analysis shows that different organizational factors – work characteristics, innovativeness, technology and management capacity and stakeholder influence – predict each of the four technology–task couplings — social media for dissemination, social media for feedback on service quality, social media for participation, and social media for internal work collaboration. This study demonstrates that social media tools are not a monolithic group and calls for greater research attention to the complex interactions among social media technology, task and organizational context.     

The cultural politics of religious defiance in Islam: how pseudonyms and media can destigmatize

Religious defiance that results in publicly leaving religion (apostasy) is an enormous taboo in Arab communities despite the recent surge in apostates’ numbers. Drawing from research on stigma, apostasy, authorship, and critical studies, I explore how a transnational Arab community, which emerges in the crossfire among democratizing politics of self-expression, regulation of public identity by digital technologies, and vast opposition networks, uses digital technologies and the politics of naming to destigmatize its identity. Extending the literatures of stigma and apostasy to ex-Muslims, I conclude that this case reveals religious and nonreligious Arabs’ common struggle against violence and the need for structural changes to protect digital technologies’ emancipatory potential.     

议程设置的第二层与媒体政治——从《事关重要的新闻》说起

本文通过分析艾英戈与金德的《事关重要的新闻》 ,讨论了这本书在议程设置理论发展中的重要作用。它不仅通过实验的方法从内在效度上印证了议程设置 ,而且促进了议程设置第二层的研究。本文结合该书突出贡献———铺垫效果的评介 ,兼对其理论来源与意义进行了梳理 ,并以此为出发点 ,探讨了议程设置的第二层研究。最后 ,强调了电视的政治传播方面的意义和议程设置理论在中国的适用问题。     

Meta-analysis of the relationship between Internet use and political participation: examining main and moderating effects

Although a growing number of studies are examining the relationship between Internet use and political participation, varying study characteristics make the overall effect size difficult to estimate. Using a meta-analysis, we estimated the mean effect size and tested whether the effect size was influenced by study characteristics. Data for this meta-analysis were derived from 56 papers reporting 63 independent studies. Results revealed that Internet use had a weak relationship with political participation (r_c?=?.22). Moderator analyses demonstrated that type of Internet use, Internet use measure, Internet use for news, type of political participation, sample origin, and survey year significantly moderated the relationship between Internet use and political participation. For instance, Internet use including news (r_c?=?.27) had a significantly stronger relationship with political participation than did Internet use excluding news (r_c?=?.19). European samples (r_c?=?.27) had the largest mean correlation followed by North American samples (r_c?=?.23) and Asian samples (r_c?=?.18) in decreasing order of strength of relationship. The theoretical and methodological implications of the findings are discussed.