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1.
本文通过分析艾英戈与金德的《事关重要的新闻》 ,讨论了这本书在议程设置理论发展中的重要作用。它不仅通过实验的方法从内在效度上印证了议程设置 ,而且促进了议程设置第二层的研究。本文结合该书突出贡献———铺垫效果的评介 ,兼对其理论来源与意义进行了梳理 ,并以此为出发点 ,探讨了议程设置的第二层研究。最后 ,强调了电视的政治传播方面的意义和议程设置理论在中国的适用问题。  相似文献   

2.
This paper assesses how use of smartphones relates to exposure to heterogeneity, political efficacy, and political engagement and suggests a new mediation model that can be applied to mobile communication. Drawing on online survey data collected during the 2012 presidential election in South Korea, this study finds that exposure to heterogeneity and political efficacy jointly mediate the impact of informational uses of smartphones on political participation. The current study also shows that informational uses of smartphones are significantly related to encounters with heterogeneity, political efficacy, and participatory behaviors. Additionally, recreational uses of smartphones were found to have a positive association with exposure to heterogeneity. However, relational uses of smartphones were not associated with democratic outcomes. The findings suggest that smartphones, by increasing the possibility of encountering diversity and subsequently enhancing political efficacy, create an additional pathway to citizen engagement in democratic processes.  相似文献   

3.
This article utilizes two national representative surveys to examine the roles of political news use, political discussion, and authoritarian orientation in shaping political participation in two democratizing societies: Singapore and Taiwan. The regression findings show that in both societies, the effects of political news use and political discussion have to be conditioned on the type of political participation as well as the nature of the political system. Both mass and interpersonal communications are confirmed to positively influence contact and campaign participation, to different degrees depending upon the political system. Interaction effects between the two communication variables are seen as well. The authoritarian orientation is found to mainly interact with communication factors to shape political participation. Implications regarding communication influences on political participation in societies where authoritarianism is evident are discussed.  相似文献   

4.
公共卫生事件的发生伴随着紧急性和未知性,面对该类事件公众具有强烈的信息获知需求。大众媒体对公共卫生事件的解读缺乏专业权威性,学术期刊的社会职责与公众的信息需求是医学学术期刊发挥媒体议程的基础。医学学术期刊公信力高,具备丰富的医学专业内容资源和客观理性的媒介调性,在公共卫生事件的媒体议程设置中能发挥优势。医学学术期刊通过科普传播的路径参与议题设置,以社交媒体矩阵建立、推动媒体间共振是大众传播基础,以医学知识服务和科学专业内容传播定位实现对公众的长效引导。提升学术期刊的大众化传播能力,从而影响社会议题,通过回应社会关切、快速出版等方式实现公众舆论导向。  相似文献   

5.
Di Cui 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(6):582-600
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda.  相似文献   

6.
This study collected data before and after the 2012 Taiwanese presidential election to examine active and passive Facebook (FB) participation on subsequent attitudinal and behavioral outcomes. Based on the differential gains model, the results showed that active engagement in FB political activities before the election directly affected offline political participation after the election. However, this direct effect occurred for first-time voters (20–24 years old) but not for the 25 and older generation. Passive exposure to politically related FB activities before the election indirectly affected offline political participation after the election and voting behavior through perceptions of FB use on political engagement. These indirect effects occurred in both first-time voters and in the rest of the voters. The results extend the differential gains model to social network sites (SNSs) and suggest that FB participation is another form of political participation among the younger generation that may serve as a gateway to motivate first-time voters to become more engaged in political participation. In addition to active discussion, passive exposure to politically related activities within FB networks indirectly contributes to voting and offline participation, expanding the current differential gains model.  相似文献   

7.
Although a growing number of studies are examining the relationship between Internet use and political participation, varying study characteristics make the overall effect size difficult to estimate. Using a meta-analysis, we estimated the mean effect size and tested whether the effect size was influenced by study characteristics. Data for this meta-analysis were derived from 56 papers reporting 63 independent studies. Results revealed that Internet use had a weak relationship with political participation (rc?=?.22). Moderator analyses demonstrated that type of Internet use, Internet use measure, Internet use for news, type of political participation, sample origin, and survey year significantly moderated the relationship between Internet use and political participation. For instance, Internet use including news (rc?=?.27) had a significantly stronger relationship with political participation than did Internet use excluding news (rc?=?.19). European samples (rc?=?.27) had the largest mean correlation followed by North American samples (rc?=?.23) and Asian samples (rc?=?.18) in decreasing order of strength of relationship. The theoretical and methodological implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

8.
阿根廷新闻传播事业发展演变的教训与启示   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
成美  孙聚成 《国际新闻界》2005,(3):15-19,76
新闻新自由主义议程主张新闻媒体私有化,在外资引进和市场竞争中放松政府管制。阿根廷经历了政府对新闻媒体绝对控制到完全采用新闻新自由主义议程的彻底转变。这种转型给阿根廷社会发展造成了负面影响,也是导致国家危机的因素之一。第三世界国家应该建立符合自己国情的新闻事业发展模式,规避全球化的发展陷阱。  相似文献   

9.
20世纪 8 0年代中后期是战后墨西哥政治经济发展的分水岭 ,从这一时期始 ,墨西哥经济上全面推行以私有化和贸易自由化为主的新自由主义经济改革 ,政治上为多元化、民主化拓宽道路。经济改革加深了墨西哥传媒业“身不由己”依附美国的态势 ,将传媒业的私有化、垄断化程度推向一个新的高度 ;政治改革改写了“政府引而不发 ,报纸明哲保身”的定势 ,传媒界该出手时就出手  相似文献   

10.
Adopting a communication mediation approach, this study explores the role of overall social networking service (SNS) use in facilitating people’s participation in collective political action through the mediation of online and offline political discussions. The study also underscores the moderating effect on the mediation process of both social identity and geographical origin. Moderated mediation analyses reveal that the positive impact of overall SNS use on participation mediated by offline discussion is stronger for people with higher Hong Kong identity and for people from Hong Kong. This moderated mediation model specifies the socio-psychological mechanism of participation in collective political action in an immigrant society such as Hong Kong.  相似文献   

11.
This study sheds light on the recent use of social media for protests, with the 2016 South Korean candle light vigils as the case study. An extensive amount of literature has explored social media’s potential for informing and mobilizing the public to engage in protest activities. Previous research has mainly focused on the direct effect of social media on protest engagement. Moving beyond the direct effect, this paper sought a better understanding of social media’s role in the democratic process by examining how social media affects political knowledge and protest participation, depending on an individual’s political interest level. To test these relationships, this study used survey data collected in South Korea during the mass candlelight vigils in South Korea in 2016 (N?=?922). Findings suggest that the knowledge gap narrowed amongst those with high social media use, mainly due to a greater knowledge drop for those with high political interest. On the other hand, when it comes to participation, the participation gap widened amongst those with high social media use, largely due to a greater increase in participation for those with high political interest. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

12.
Using the Chinese part (N=1000) of the fourth-wave (2001) World Values Survey data, this research finds a positive association between news media use and willingness to be a Chinese environmentalist. However, this association disappears when political interest, a stronger and more consistent moderator of being a Chinese environmentalist, is put together in one model. The study also finds a positive association between postmaterialist values and being a Chinese environmentalist, and Chinese environmentalists tend to be more skeptical of the media and the government than non-environmentalists. While Chinese environmentalists prefer a triumph of environmental protection over economic development, they have no preference between statements of human beings mastering nature and human beings coexisting with nature, compared with non-environmentalist respondents.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

The free press performs essential democratic functions, but widespread negative attitudes toward the press threaten its legitimacy and effectiveness as a check on formal institutions. In order to combat these attitudes, media organizations must understand who holds them and why. A survey-based study of U.S. adults (N?=?2052) focuses on associations between perceptions of the news media industry as a threat to political performance and a range of politically oriented behaviors (i.e. news media exposure, political talk, political participation). Analyses reveal a series of non-monotonic relationships. Group differences between those who hold the most extreme views concerning news-media-as-threat are also explored. The opposing groups are distinct in some important ways (e.g. ideology, race), but are also found to be surprisingly similar (e.g. income, education, gender, news media exposure). The results suggest new strategies for maintaining and restoring confidence in media organizations.  相似文献   

14.
This paper explores the dynamic between media and social-political forces through a content analysis of Chinese media coverage of intellectual property rights (IPRs) since China's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001. We examined how media attributes, such as party affiliation and media location, have influenced the use of media frames. Three media frames were extracted from previous studies: (1) national interest; (2) cost and benefit; and (3) legal/contractual. Our results demonstrate that both media attributes exert significant influence on the use of media frames in IPRs coverage: the closer a news organization is affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party, the more likely it would adopt a national interest frame. Moreover, national press and party newspapers are more likely to adopt the national interest frame in covering IPRs-related issues; whereas, regional/popular and professional press are more likely to report the IPRs-related issues from economic and legal perspectives.  相似文献   

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