从民主视角剖析美国总统选举制度

美国总统选举制度在实践中会产生非民主的后果，历来引入争论，理解美国总统选举制度的关键在于理解其与民主的真实关系。本文从民主视角出发，剖析了美国总统选举制度，指出了其长期存在的原因和必然性；美国总统选举制度能够克服民主制度的弊端，有利于美国民主政治的良好运转和长治久安。     

中国社会主义民主制度建设浅析

建设社会主义政治文明，最根本的是制度问题。坚持和完善人民代表大会制度、共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度、民族区域自治制度、基层民主制度是我国社会主义民主政治建设的重要任务。     

社会主义民主政治与政治文明重在制度建设

中共十六大政治报告第一次把发展社会主义民主政治，建设社会主义政治明，确定为全面建设小康社会的一个重要目标，而这一目标的实现，关键在于制度建设。执政党自身制度建设，党内民主制度建设尤为重要。     

民主政治中的多数与少数关系模式简析

在民主政治条件下，少数与多数概念在政治系统的不同层面有着不同的内涵，必须对其作出准确理解和科学界定；多数决定原则是民主政治的价值理念，多数对少数认同是多数决定原则在民主制度运行中的实践范式；少数人的主导地位与民主政治并行不悖。     

儒家民本思想与民主化进程

儒家政治哲学中的民本思想与现代民主有明显不同，民主制度能有效弥补中国传统文化将政治道德化、缺乏制度保障的缺陷。为了使民主制度发挥最大的功效，我们应在注重制度建设的同时，还应注重人的素质培养，大力弘扬儒家文化并赋予其以新的时代内容。这不仅使传统政治哲学中有价值的资源，在当今的民主化进程中折射出亮丽的光辉，还会促使中国特色的民主政治建设走向更加完善。     

儒家政治哲学与民主化进程

儒家政治哲学中的民本思想与现代民主有明显区别，民主政治使人民权益有了外在的、客观的制度保障，这恰能有效弥补中国传统化将政治道德化、缺乏制度保障的缺陷。但为了使民主制度放射出应有的光辉，我们应在注重制度因素基础上注重人的因素，也就是将儒家所提倡注重人的内在道德心性、认知心性与独立的价值判断力培养等思想进行创造性转化，从而使民主制度与中国传统化中仍有价值的资源进行有机结合。     

论党内民主意识的内涵及其培育路径

党内民主意识是一种特殊的具有很强独立性的政治意识，是党内民主的基础，是形成党内民主制度的直接原因，根据不同的分类法，它可划分为党内民主心理和党内民主思想；个人党内民主意识，群体党内民主意识和社会党内民主意识；普通党员的党内民主意识与党的领导人的党内民主意识，培育党内民主意识的路径是；加大教育，宣传力度；加强社会主义市场经济建设；加强党内民主制度和法规建设。     

论邓小平法治与人治关系的基本思想

在坚持“法治”的前提下，处理好“法治”和“人治”的关系，是邓小平以法治国思想的重要内容。其要点有二：一是要下大力气解决好制度问题，为此他主张要克服封建主义思想残余的影响，避免权力的过分集中；进行政治体制改革，实行党政分开的原则；按“四化”标准选择接班人进领导班子，实行退休制度，以废除干部领导职务终身制，加强集体领导。二是解决制度问题的核心是建立民主制度和法制，以避免“文革”之类的悲剧重演，保证依法治国和国家长治久安     

试论新形势下的政务公开机制

政务公开是中国政治发展的必然选择；是民主政治和法制建设的重要手段；是反腐败的重要举措；是发展社会主义市场经济体制的必然要求。当前我国政务公开机制存在一些问题和不足，应该从法律、政治沟通机制、民主制度、民主意识等方面为政务公开机制提供保障。     

坚定中国特色社会主义制度自信研究——以协商民主为例

在当代的民主政治发展过程中,中西方都出现了协商民主制度,但二者有着本质上的区别。人民政治协商会议是我国协商民主的主渠道和主要形式,民主恳谈会制度等体现着地方协商民主制度的开拓和创新。协商民主制度在我国充分体现着中国特色社会主义制度的优势与自信。     

Democratic Education versus Smithian Efficiency: Prospects for a Deweyan Ideal in the “Neoliberal Age”

In this essay, David Meens examines the viability of John Dewey's democratic educational project, as presented in Democracy and Education, under present economic and political conditions. He begins by considering Democracy and Education's central themes in historical context, arguing that Dewey's proposal for democratic education grew out of his recognition of a conflict between how political institutions had traditionally been understood and organized on the one hand, and, on the other, emerging requirements for personal and social development in the increasingly interconnected world of the early twentieth century. Meens next considers Dewey's ideas in our contemporary context, which is dominated by a neoliberal ideology that extends the economic logic of Smithian efficiency to all domains of modern social and political life. He argues that the prevalence of neoliberalism poses two challenges to Deweyan democratic education: first, Dewey's emphasis on general education and a resistance to specialization is economically inefficient; and second, Dewey's strong, democratic conception of the “the public” is anathema to the neoliberal vision of the public as a conglomeration of individual agents. These challenges, he concludes, significantly stack the deck against Deweyan education by ensuring that the latter will be neither economically practicable nor widely understood.     

Imagining Democratic Futures for Public Universities: Educational Leadership Against Fatalism's Temptations

At current rates, almost all U.S. public universities could reach a point of zero state subsidy within the next fifty years. What is a public university without public funding? In this essay, Kathleen Knight Abowitz considers the future of public universities, drawing upon the analysis provided in John Dewey's Democracy and Education. Knight Abowitz conducts an initial institutional analysis through two broad prisms: that of the political landscape that authorizes universities as public institutions, and that of the present political–economic context of public education in general and public universities in particular. Dewey's conception of democratic education is then explored; his arguments regarding aims, experience, thinking, and social intelligence provide important tools for imagining the democratic futures of public universities today.     

Educational Justice and the Value of Knowledge

How should a liberal democratic society value knowledge and understanding, and does this valuation inform how we ought to reason about the justice of our educational institutions? In scholarly and public discourse, it is orthodox to argue that because educational institutions bring about various goods—goods of character such as wellbeing or economic goods such as social mobility – they ought to be structured by principles of political justice. In this paper, I argue that knowledge and understanding valued for its own sake should also inform judgements of educational justice.     

中国的经济全球化与政治文明民主化的关系

经济全球化挑战的是政治,在经济要求发展的条件下,政治文明的建设更具现实意义.政治文明的首要表现是政治民主化,明确民主的本质含义,分析西方的经济--民主理论,来探索中国现实的经济与民主政治的关系.经济是影响民主建设的重要因素之一,但在中国建国以后的历史中,经济的作用表现得十分微弱.经济全球化的趋势改变了经济的作用力,使得经济发展对民主建设的要求更加积极.但这种作用也是双刃剑,一方面,可能会造成一部分人的政治冷漠,要注重政治民主意识的培养;另一方面,中国在制度上已经实现了民主,但受多种因素影响,现在还处于向现实民主过渡的阶段,经济的发展正为这种过渡提供条件.中国有不同于西方的特殊国情,因此,必须从实际出发,根据中国的现实来进行切实的民主建设,将政府推进和社会自主两种方式结合起来.     

Introduction

The expansion of higher education in Latin America before 1980 resulted from the growing demand of the urban middle classes. The state responded with a benevolent attitude, except when political circumstances led to police repression. The deep crisis and the emergence of new economic policies in the 1980s drastically changed this picture. Funds for further growth are not available and there is no longer a favorable political climate for the universities. The new ideological and political scene favors policies aimed at abandoning incremental formulae for state funding, increasing private funding, rationalizing spending, promoting institutional and program differentiation, introducing evaluation as a major policy instrument and checking enrolment growth. Negotiation over these issues in democratic regimes has become cumbersome and difficult. A set of policies for the private sector is also emerging though these are ineffectual if state funding is not forthcoming. Though flexibility over accreditation became common in the 1970s and 1980s there is now closer scrutiny of such matters. Legal frameworks have favored differentiation in the private sector also, including recognizing profit-oriented institutions which are capable of absorbing excess demand but which are less closely regulated than the older and more prestigious institutions.     

Overcoming Terra Nullius: Aboriginal perspectives in schools as a site of philosophical struggle

What an honor to have political and educational theorists of such caliber take up ideas from my work! What a daunting task to try to respond! My remarks will touch on the following questions: What are some key issues of distributive justice in education today? Why does defining justice in terms of oppression and domination imply that issues of justice cannot be reduced to distribution? How does normalization constitute a major process enacting oppression, and what does this imply for education? What does it mean to include marginalized groups in economic opportunity and democratic process, and how can educational institutions foster such inclusion? Why do issues of religion and other forms of cultural expression belong to a distinct category of justice? Are values of freedom of expression and tolerance in tension with the project of democratic inclusion? How shall we consider transnational issues of educational justice?     

Education in the Context of Structural Injustice: A symposium response

What an honor to have political and educational theorists of such caliber take up ideas from my work! What a daunting task to try to respond! My remarks will touch on the following questions: What are some key issues of distributive justice in education today? Why does defining justice in terms of oppression and domination imply that issues of justice cannot be reduced to distribution? How does normalization constitute a major process enacting oppression, and what does this imply for education? What does it mean to include marginalized groups in economic opportunity and democratic process, and how can educational institutions foster such inclusion? Why do issues of religion and other forms of cultural expression belong to a distinct category of justice? Are values of freedom of expression and tolerance in tension with the project of democratic inclusion? How shall we consider transnational issues of educational justice?     

Internationalisation: a new challenge for universities

Four factors have led to the evolution of the modern mass university in Europe, namely demographic and democratic developments, the university's role in economic development, the pattern in scientific advances and political developments in Europe. These trends are linked to certain developments in the labour market, and they reveal the demands which lead to the modern university's dual role as a regional as well as an international institution. The internationalisation of the university has been furthered by innovative exchange programmes which promote the mobility of students and scholars and flexibility in academic programmes and institutions. Nonetheless, the programmes add a political dimension to the existing academic and research aims for mobility, and the success of the exchanges appears to depend on the development of adequate capacity within universities to support expanded international flows of students and scholars.     

Ethnicity and education for democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa

This article reviews recent global political changes and describes how they have helped to recreate interest in a democratic agenda in Africa. In the past, two of the major obstacles to democracy in post-independence Africa have been ethnic conflict and the resulting authoritarian political systems. However, there have been exceptions to this and neither authoritarianism nor democracy have become fully institutionalised. If, in the future, democratic political institutions in Africa are going to be sustained by a supportive political culture, then schools will have to consciously educate for democracy rather than support authoritarianism as they tend to do at the moment. In particular they will need to educate for ethnic tolerance and mutual respect and this will require changes both in classroom and whole school organisation.