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1.
弗雷泽认为正义涉及经济、文化和政治诸领域,由此提出与之相对应的三个正义原则:再分配、承认与代表权,三者都需要符合参与平等原则。她认为在全球化背景下,对正义的探究需要突破传统正义的边界,架构政治便成为讨论主题,需要遵循所有人受影响的原则。正义理论受制于协商民主的决策程序,以元民主制度化形式实现。通过解释正义的"什么",正义的"谁"和正义的"怎样",弗雷泽构建了一套适合全球化世界的"反思的正义"体系。  相似文献   

2.
当代著名政治哲学家南茜·弗雷泽在深入分析全球化趋势的基础上构建了一套极具特色的正义理论体系,即以参与平等为规范基础、包含再分配、承认和代表权的"一元三维"正义构想。弗雷泽的"一元三维"正义理论向我们呈现了当前西方政治哲学发展的最新进程。通过对弗雷泽正义理论的研究,从再分配、承认和代表权三个正义诉求中总结出能够促进社会正义发展的积极思想,为当代中国社会正义的探索寻求宝贵的理论资源。  相似文献   

3.
在全球化的影响下,关于正义问题的争论呈现出了许多新的形态。当代西方左派由于在分配正义及承认正义的争论中分裂成"社会左派"及"文化左派"。作为当代社会批判理论的重要代表,N·弗雷泽以她三维正义的视角试图弥合左派的分裂,并建构一套能够包容当代正义问题的正义理论,即在结合再分配和承认的基础上,以"代表权"范畴作为正义的政治维度的核心,指出代表权的深层关系问题关系着元政治正义。  相似文献   

4.
美国著名的社会批判理论家、女性主义者南茜·弗雷泽致力于社会正义理论研究.她从客观、社会的视角审视社会批判理论的“文化转向”,认为“承认政治”与“再分配政治”的“二元主义视角”(或者用“承认政治”取代“再分配政治”的做法)严重弱化了对新自由主义霸权的批判,是一种悲剧性的历史讽刺.因此,她提出一种整合“再分配正义”和“承认正义”的“参与平等”正义观.从社会正义到性别正义的前提是对女性主义社会性别问题的重新阐释,因而她提出一种“二维”视角的新社会性别观,并在此基础上生发出实现性别正义的“二维”路径.她的性别正义观为左派的政治斗争和女权主义等新社会运动提供了重要的批判武器和实践指导.她的性别正义观更多是政治的,因此具有更加强烈的现实性和批判性.  相似文献   

5.
弗雷泽多次从女性主义的视角对哈贝马斯的公共领域理论进行了深入考察,其中暗含了一条重要线索,那就是女性公共领域如何可能的问题.通过对哈贝马斯公共领域理论的批判,弗雷泽提出了她自己的“后资产阶级公共领域”和“跨国公共领域”的概念,并且将女性公共领域作为后资产阶级公共领域的一种类型纳入“再分配—承认—代表权”的三位一体的正义理论中,试图为女性解放找寻一条可靠的路径.同时,弗雷泽的批判也为自己留下了诸多尚未解决的理论问题.  相似文献   

6.
纳斯鲍姆认为,以罗尔斯为代表的社会契约论在正义问题上有三个悬而未决的难题。她提出"能力进路"处理三种特殊正义问题。"能力进路"虽未像她设想的那样彻底解决三种特殊正义问题,但"能力进路"提出的拓展正义主体要求,对解决正义问题特别是罗尔斯式正义理论难题具有重要的意义。  相似文献   

7.
南希·弗雷泽立足于女性主义理论和实践的历史与现实,对全球化、多元化时代的女性问题进行了新的思考,给女性解放定位了再分配、承认与代表权的新坐标;她图绘了在公共领域和全球范围寻求女性解放的新框架,同时指出了女性参与协商对话和元民主制度化的女性解放新路径。弗雷泽的女性主义思想走向了反思和建构,实现了女性主义理论研究范式的突破和女性解放实践目标的新导向,探索和借鉴其女性主义思想中的全球化视角和制度化方法并进行本土化研究将对中国女性解放大有裨益。  相似文献   

8.
当代宗教哲学家保罗·蒂利希以其"终极关怀"思想得到了学术界的普遍认同,但其关于社会政治问题的独特思考与见解并没有得到足够关注。他的内在正义理论从存在主义哲学出发,对社会正义问题提出了独特的见解,即实现爱、力量与正义这三个要素从内在要求到外在统一,将正义的各种要素与诸原则在个体、人际以及群体这三个维度进行重新整合,使正义从抽象的政治哲学概念变成实在的社会交往准则,为当下社会正义问题的研究提供了一个全新的视角。  相似文献   

9.
长期以来,分配正义范式几乎是解决教育不公正问题的唯一方案,但是教育分配正义并不能矫正微观教育活动以及教育活动中的不公正行为,也无法消除人格蔑视、尊严羞辱、身份拒绝、价值歧视等教育不公现象。本文用承认正义理论审视这些教育不公正现象,以推进教育正义从"分配"向"承认"的价值转向,实现教育的公平正义。  相似文献   

10.
哈维基于"历史地理唯物主义"方法论,在现代空间维度下展开后现代地理学想像,通过透视"灵活积累"体制和新一轮"时空压缩"下的后现代——一种"历史—地理状况",剖析后现代转向根源,阐释后现代化了的经济空间、文化空间和社会空间。哈维从文化后现代到地理学后现代的转向,为探讨当今全球化背景下的不平衡地理发展、空间正义等空间话题拓宽了研究路径。  相似文献   

11.
This review essay draws on Nancy Fraser's work as featured in Adding insult to injury: Nancy Fraser debates her critics to explore issues of schooling and social justice. The review focuses on the applicability and usefulness of Fraser's three-dimensional model for understanding matters of justice in education. It begins with an overview of the principles of economic, cultural and political justice as they are reflected in specific examples of equity and schooling policy and practice. This is followed by (1) a consideration of Fraser's concerns that current forms of identity politics are reifying group identity and displacing matters of distributive justice and (2) with an account of her concerns about the political justice issues of representation and misframing in the contemporary global era. With reference to the sphere of Indigenous education, the review examines some of the problematics involved in pursuing distributive, recognitive and representative justice. Fraser's ‘status model’ is presented as a way through these problematics because it engages with a politics that begins with overcoming status subordination rather than with a politics of group identity. Against this theoretical backdrop, the final section of the review briefly considers some of the future challenges for schooling and social justice.  相似文献   

12.
“第三条道路”与社群主义两大政治哲学思潮在当代的复兴具有相似的理论与时代背景,不仅如此,二者的基本主张与理论内容亦具有一定相似性,都关注当代资本主义社会的社会正义、国家作用、个人与社会关系的协调等基本社会问题。当然,在具体的政策方面,他们还是有一定的差别的。不可否认,“第三条道路”与社群主义在为解决当代资本主义社会的危机方面做出了一些合理的尝试,但由于其都未能认识到资本主义社会的真正危机与矛盾所在,因而二者在实践上注定都是要失败的。他们的政治哲学思想在本质上都是资本主义意识形态的反映,都未能摆脱资本主义主流政治哲学思潮———自由主义的桎梏。  相似文献   

13.
This paper examines justice issues of representation, redistribution and recognition within a specialised secondary school for immigrant and refugee students in Queensland, Australia. Fraser’s three-dimensional model of justice – towards the ideal of ‘participatory parity’ – is drawn on to analyse interview data gathered from a study that sought to identify productive approaches to addressing cultural diversity. Through these lenses, injustices created by mainstream/dominant discourses within and beyond the school are highlighted. The paper details the school’s efforts to support greater equity for these students through educator advocacy, critically reflective practice and a centring of students’ perspectives. The significance of educators identifying and challenging the limits and exclusions of these discourses to support these efforts is highlighted. Fraser’s theorising is presented as useful in capturing, understanding and addressing justice and marginality in schools amid the broader social context where matters of justice are characterised by uncertainty, complexity and contention.  相似文献   

14.
当代道德生活中底线伦理问题的提出,有着深刻的社会根源和学科基础。对于“底线伦理”问题的考察,必须把它纳入到关于整个社会道德生活的理论框架中去。其作为个人行为规范的底线伦理的保障,主要有待于“文化生态”的完善;至于作为社会制度道德的底线伦理的保障,则呈现出更复杂的状态;处理好底线伦理问题要正确处理好其与道德结构、文化生态以及政治正义的关系。  相似文献   

15.
普兰查斯在分析资本主义国家与资本主义生产关系和劳动的社会分工之间的关系时,对民族、空间、时间问题的阐释更新了马克思主义对当代资本主义本质的理论分析,力图将马克思主义的分析重新指向对空间和时间的一种唯物主义阐释。他认为,马克思主义传统理论低估了民族问题。领土(空间)和传统(时间)在资本主义中具有崭新的意义。空间-时间母体特点的改变与劳动的社会分工的实质性变化有关,特别是与国家结构的实体性的变化有关,与资本主义经济、政治、意识形态的权力实践变化有关。空间-时间母体的基础在于资本主义的生产关系和劳动的社会分工。  相似文献   

16.

In her article "The substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen: Examining an endarkened feminist epistemology in educational research and leadership," Professor Dillard delineates a set of proposals for the study of educational inequity. Professor Wright in his response, "An endarkened feminist epistemology? Identity, difference and the politics of representation in educational research," comments on Professor Dillard's proposals and furthers her analysis by an integration of the cultural studies literature. The author enjoins this conversation in this article by reviewing the proposals by feminists of Color to further social justice in solidarity with Professor Dillard's analysis. In particular, feminists of Color are examined, expanding the definition of "data" to include artistic production such as poetry, personal reflections, and autobiographical essays. The integration of spirituality as it relates to secular teaching is another innovation proposed by various writers. Feminists of Color have also chosen to construct theory and a political agenda for achieving social justice rather than only engaging in intellectual debates that deconstruct existing paradigms. Professor Dillard is part of a cadre of feminist writers who advocate radical changes in the academy to eradicate educational inequity.  相似文献   

17.
长期以来,正义被认为是资本主义意识形态的一部分受到了苏联和中国的马克思主义学者的规避和忽视。关于马克思正义理论的争议一直在持续,自“塔克一伍德命题”的产生至今也未形成统一的看法,但是这并不妨碍讨论马克思的正义思想的重要意义。正义及其观念在调节社会秩序、规范社会行为、为社会公众提供道德评判标准等方面的作用已经得到普遍的共识。文章以马克思理论的人学意蕴为核心,在当代中国社会转型背景下,从历史与现实相结合的角度研究马克思正义思想。  相似文献   

18.
This article considers the ways in which three alternative education sites in Australia support socially just education for their students and how injustice is addressed within these schools. The article begins with recognition of the importance of Nancy Fraser’s work to understandings of social justice. It then goes on to argue that her framework is insufficient for understanding the particularly complex set of injustices that are faced by many highly marginalised young people who have rejected or been rejected by mainstream education systems. We argue here for the need to consider the importance of ‘affective’ and ‘contributive’ aspects of justice in schools. Using interview data from the alternative schools, we highlight issues of affective justice raised by students in relation to their educational journeys, as well as foregrounding teachers’ affective work in schools. We also consider curricular choices and pedagogical practices in respect of matters of contributive justice. Our contention is that the affective and contributive fields are central to the achievement of social justice for the young people attending these sites. Whilst mainstream schools are not the focus of this article, we suggest that the lessons here have salience for all forms of schooling.  相似文献   

19.
马克思政治正义思想探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
马克思政治正义思想对资本主义国家建立的私有制基础的非正当性、国家权力主体(少数人)对权力客体(大多数人)统治的不合理性以及表征社会成员政治生存状况的自由、平等、民主、人权等政治价值的虚伪性进行了批判。并在批判的基础上,围绕上述问题对新世界即无产阶级国家进行了构建。其中,马克思对实现人类彻底解放的社会形式——共产主义社会的揭示与展望,是马克思政治正义思想的必然结论,也是对政治正义的超越性追求,它同时具有现实性。这是马克思政治正义思想的突出特点。  相似文献   

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