Quality and equality: the mask of discursive conflation in education policy texts

Two key themes of recent UK education policy texts have been a focus on ‘quality’ in public sector performance, and on ‘equality’ in the form of New Labour’s stated commitment to equality of opportunity as a key policy objective. This twin approach can be seen at its most obvious in the concept of ‘excellence for all’. This paper contends that in recent policy texts the vocabularies of quality management discourse and egalitarian discourse have become conflated, serving to mask key issues relating to educational inequality, seen at its most stark in the attainment gap. The paper argues that this has led to a failure to distinguish between the goals of quality management and the ends of egalitarianism. Discursive conflation of this sort risks obscuring the significance of socio‐economic context and the limited impact of within‐school action. The paper also suggests that the focus on equality in terms of school provision paradoxically risks entrenching social inequalities despite the appearance of egalitarian commitment.     

A reconstruction of the gender agenda: the contradictory gender dimensions in New Labour's educational and economic policy

This article reviews current interpretations of Labour's education policy in relation to gender. Such interpretations see the marginalisation of gender equality in mainstream educational policy as a result of the discursive shift from egalitarianism to that of performativity. Performativity in the school context is shown to have contradictory elements ranging from an increased feminisation of teaching and the (re)masculinisation of schooling. Also, whilst underachievement is defined as ‘the problem of boys’, the production of hierarchical masculinities and ‘laddishness’ by marketised schools is ignored. The policy shift towards performativity also masks girls' exclusion and the disadvantages working‐class girls face within the education system. The rhetoric of gender equality, although stronger in the field of post‐16 training and employment, is no less contradictory. The effects of New Labour are found in the aggravation of social class divisions within gender categories and the spiralling differences between male and female paths. Gender equality ideals in education are therefore shown to have a far more complex relationship to New Labour politics than previously thought.     

Globalizing critical studies of ‘official’ knowledge: lessons from the Japanese history textbook controversy over ‘comfort women’

This paper discusses the Japanese history textbook controversy over ‘comfort women’ to tease out insights that help globalize the existing theoretical discussion of politics of school knowledge. I begin by documenting how the domestic struggles over Japanese history textbooks are empowered and disempowered by the regional and international power relations. Using the Japanese case, I first problematize the use of hegemony in critical scholarship wherein struggles over school knowledge have been defined within the framework of a nation‐state. Second, I call for situating the discussion of counter‐hegemonic strategies in the increasingly internationalized politics of education witnessed around the world. In sum, this study calls for broadening the application of the notions of hegemony and counter‐hegemony in critical education scholarship to take full account of the complex political dynamics of globalizations.     

The Micro‐politics of Macro Reform

At a time when almost every area of social policy in the UK is undergoing a period of radical ‘top‐down’ reform, several writers have identified a key role for ethnographic research, which examines the social processes through which macro changes in structure and funding are experienced and reconstructed at the micro level. This paper presents one such study. Empirical data are used to chart the complex, interconnected processes through which national reforms helped destroy the previous balance of micro‐political power in a school, ultimately leading to fundamental changes in policy and practice in a previously ‘progressive’ comprehensive. The school's fate highlights the importance of micro‐political power, but also compels us to consider the wider forces at work on the school The teachers’ micro‐political struggles make sense only when viewed against the backdrop of sweeping conservative reform at the macro level.     

Towards a radical digital citizenship in digital education

In this article, we attempt to define and explore a concept of ‘radical digital citizenship’ and its implications for digital education. We argue that the ‘digital’ and its attendant technologies are constituted by on-going materialist struggles for equality and justice in the Global South and North which are erased in the dominant literature and debates in digital education. We assert the need for politically informed understandings of the digital, technology and citizenship and for a ‘radical digital citizenship’ in which critical social relations with technology are made visible and emancipatory technological practices for social justice are developed.     

Special educational needs: a public issue

This article explores the contribution of sociological scholarship to understanding and analysing the notions of ‘special educational needs’ and ‘disability’ and the ways in which the two notions have been reconfigured and theorised as ‘public issues’ rather than ‘personal troubles’. Barton's contribution is signified both in terms of his contribution to the evolution of the ‘sociological imagination’ – as a powerful theoretical tool for unravelling the highly political and contested nature of disability and special educational needs – and also in terms of his analysis of the emergence and development of sociological theorising in the field. The parochial obsession with deficit and medical‐oriented approaches to dealing with ‘difference’ and ‘need’ have been significantly challenged through the ‘sociological imagination’ aimed at pointing up the highly political and complex nature of disability and ‘special educational needs’. Times have changed and sociological theorising has evolved, but presumed ‘personal troubles’ are still not unequivocally conceptualised as being intertwined with, resting upon and emanating from ‘public issues’ embedded in the social, cultural and political edifice of educational, social and national communities. The ‘sociological imagination’ should be constantly invoked and deployed in order to expose and challenge the sophisticated ways in which individual pathology accounts and special educational imperatives re‐invent themselves through more inclusive linguistic veneers.     

Secondary Education Reform and the Concept of Equality of Opportunity in Japan

This paper aims to throw light on the evolution and historical transformation of the concept of equality of opportunity as applied to educational policies in Japan from the end of World War II to the present day. It analyses the Central Council for Education's (CCE) reform proposals in the 1990s, and places them in the context of developing the concept of equality of educational opportunity in the years since 1945, when the post‐war education system was established in Japan. More specifically it addresses the following questions: What kinds of equality of educational opportunity have the central administrative bodies (Monbusho or the CCE), the political parties and teachers aimed to achieve since the war? How have they applied equality of opportunity to educational policies? What kinds of criteria are used by them to measure equality of educational opportunity? To do so, it looks in detail at the main agenda in relation to the issue of equal opportunity in the reports by the CCE on both the state of education in the 1990s, and its transformation during the five decades since the war. To trace the historical transformation of the concept of equality of educational opportunity, this article selects two major explanatory models—egalitarianism and meritocracy. Although there is widespread agreement that equality of opportunity is a requirement of a just society in Japan, there is also widespread disagreement about just what this requirement amounts to and how it is to be balanced against other requirements such as ‘meritocracy’.     

Teaching Family Matters

Teaching family matters is a matter of some political controversy. The New Right—both government and ‘pro‐family’ political pressure groups—seeks to reinforce and revive the traditional nuclear family through education, especially for family life. This is a response to what is perceived as the ‘problem of the family‘—the increase in ‘working mothers’ in lone or two‐parent families, and lone‐parent families as a result of divorce, separation, teenage or underage sex. These changes in the family have indeed occurred. The New Right blames previous administrations, in the liberal/social‐democratic consensual mode, for their creation. But no postwar government was committed to transforming the privacy of the family but to equality of educational opportunity between the sexes as a means of improving job opportunities. Such measures left the family untouched. If the ‘problem of the family’ is to be solved, more attention, from educators amongst others, must be given to the ways in which women as parents are denied equal work opportunities because of the need to bring up the children in the privacy of the family, supporting the work of schools. Family life or moral education should aim to leach about equality of adult responsibility for both work and family.     

Solving the equity–equality conceptual dilemma: a new model for analysis of the educational process

Background Over the past four decades there have been a number of controversies arising from the discussion of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’. These concepts are often invoked by policy analysts, policy-makers, government officials and scholars in order to justify or critique resource allocation to different levels of the educational system.

Purpose By creating a new equality–equity goal-oriented model, which allows the combination of different dimensions for each concept with different stages of the educational process, this paper aims to achieve two purposes: (1) to clarify among researchers, educators, evaluators, policy analysts, and policy-makers the notions of ‘equality’ and ‘equity’; and (2) to encourage researchers and evaluators to critically examine and synthesize equality/equity-based research.

Sources of evidence A review of the literature concerning the meaning, goals and assumptions of the concepts ‘equity’ and ‘equality’, and their implications for social and public policy, is presented.

Main argument A survey of recent and earlier debates on ‘equity’ and ‘equality’ among scholars and researchers reveals disagreement and confusion about what those concepts really mean and what they involve in terms of goals and results. It is debatable whether we can have ‘equity’ and ‘equality’ in a society that prioritizes efficiency in resource management over social justice. Certainly, such questions have shaped and guided many discussions and theoretical debates among scholars, policy analysts and policy-makers.

Conclusions Most of the definitions of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’ are frequently used by many researchers, evaluators, policy-makers, policy analysts, scholars and educators as if they were interchangeable. Instead of arguing for a unique or simple conception of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’, a set of definitions of those concepts as well as a discussion related to theoretical and policy issues associated are presented. In order to avoid that confusion, the equality–equity model developed in this paper suggests several new directions for analysis and research. It provides some ideas about how ‘equity’ (i.e. ‘equity for equal needs’, ‘equity for equal potential’ and ‘equity for equal achievement’) and ‘equality’ (i.e. ‘equality of opportunity’, ‘equality for all’ and ‘equality on average across social groups’) could be treated and measured in future research in relation to different features of the educational process (availability of resources, access, survival, output and outcome).     

British values and virtues: schooling in Christianity and character?

This article examines the antecedents of the ‘British Values’ (democracy, rule of law, equality of opportunity, freedom of speech and the rights of all men and women to live free from persecution) which it is incumbent upon British schools to teach. But it also seeks to move the debate forward by pointing to the ‘British Virtues’ without which it is impossible to live by ‘British Values’. The argument advanced here is that the inculcation of virtues (moral habits and dispositions underpinning good character) as well as values (beliefs and ideals) is foundational in schooling for life in a liberal democracy. On the view that schools are both ‘by’ and ‘for’ society (being the products of the society they seek to serve) the article problematises attempts to conceive of schooling in general, and character education in particular, in exclusively post-Christian terms. Although increasingly secular, as British culture is not quite the palimpsest that easily permits a millennium of Christian social and legal ‘writing’ to be ‘over-written’, some of its central concepts are drawn upon in the recommendations made here for the curriculum and governance of schools.     

论平等的政治价值

在人类社会还存在政治现象的情况下,平等的政治价值就在于它能最大限度地维护政治稳定,促进政治发展。具体而言,平等有助于维护社会政治心理稳定,保证社会成员在交往中保持心理平衡,并具有较为科学的情感、态度和主人翁意识与责任感,从整体上保持对既有社会制度、政治权威的认同,维护政治制度、国家政权的稳定;同时,平等是民主的基础和保障,平等的任何发展势必推动民主新的飞跃,从而促进政治发展目标的实现。     

Elizabeth Anderson interviewed by John White

The distinguished US philosopher Elizabeth Anderson, who teaches at the University of Michigan, answers questions put to her by John White about educational aspects of her work in moral and political philosophy. She begins by describing her indebtedness to Dewey in his views on developing students’ capacities for intelligent enquiry and as citizens in a democracy. She elaborates on this in her emphasis on children learning fraternally together with others of diverse class, racial and ethnic backgrounds. She also discusses the control of education, looking at the role of the state and other political authorities in education, the charter school movement and home schooling. Well‐known for her views on democratic equality (as distinct from equality of fortune) and on an adequacy criterion of fairness, she shows how these ideas apply to education for a democratic society. This takes her into critical discussions of equality of educational opportunity, education as a positional good, and the rich variety of educational aims fitting a democracy of equals. Anderson has also written about the errors of theistic religion as well as two award‐winning recent books on the imperative of social integration and on the authoritarian powers of employers. Developing these thoughts in an educational direction, she writes here about religious and moral education, problems with assimilationist and multicultural approaches to schooling, and preparation for work as an educational aim.     

Negotiating for change: women’s movements and education reform in Taiwan

The dramatic changes during the past 20 years in Taiwan offer a good example of how gender policy in education is facilitated by a combination of interrelated economic, political and social forces. Taiwan’s policy on gender education emerged from the interaction of state, education, academic and non‐academic feminist positions in reforms. This paper demonstrates – first, the importance of the socio‐political contexts in which reform was proposed, and second, the actions of feminists in making best use of the opportunities thrown up by a confluence of social factors. The social, economic and political transformations of the 1980s saw the rise of a ‘new’ state both supposedly and in reality more responsive to the needs of non‐profit organisations. In testing out relationships of partnership with the state, feminist activists saw the deregulation of education as an opportunity to get women’s issues on the agenda. These reforms were catalysed by a series of social events bringing together supporters in a mood of celebration, protest or mourning specifically in response to particular events. The struggles, contentions, and negotiations that underlay the eventual approval of gender reform in education are illustrated.     

The ideology of democracy/dictatorship as youth migrate

ABSTRACT

This article is an exploration in the mode of thinking of refugee youth on the relations of ‘democracy’ and ‘dictatorship.’ Tracing the geopolitical relations of authoritarian and democratic forms of governing we demonstrate the manner in which these political forms are socio-historically interdependent yet appear as politically distinct, which we understand as an ideological form of consciousness. Expanding out from interviews and focus groups conducted with refugee youth from the Middle East and North Africa who arrived in Canada to resettle, our analysis attempts to go deeper than that simply creating space for the voices of refugee youth. Instead, we want to theorise from the data to reconceptualise the social and economic projects that have been named as democratisation or youth at-risk. The conscious reproduction of democracy and dictatorship as distinct political forms requires that refugee youth learn to live in and act upon their world through an ideological mode of consciousness that furthers the relations of global capitalism and encourages young people to align their aspirations with neoliberalism. We, therefore, aim to reorient theorisations of democracy and dictatorship, and in doing so, challenge the forms of consciousness and praxis that arise from the bourgeois regime of political rights.     

Recognition,inclusion and democracy: learning from action research with young people

ABSTRACT

This paper draws upon learning from three action research projects conducted as part of a Europe-wide project exploring young people’s social and political participation. Challenging dominant discourses about what ‘counts’ as participation and what does not, the paper explores how, through the action research projects, young people engaged in knowledge democracy in ‘new democratic arenas’. Building upon experiential knowing and creating knowledge and learning through practice, the young people explored their own democratic knowledge production, communication and engagement within a context of shifting discourses of participation, democratic engagement and active citizenship. The increasing preference of young people for more informal forms of participation as lived practice reflects a shift to young people constructing their own modes of participation and ‘remaking democracy’ in their own vision and according to their own needs. By working outside of the confines of normative assumptions of democratic practice and participation, young people exercised their own ‘political’ agency in response to their own priorities, interests and concerns and, in doing so, illustrated that new forms, understandings and practices of knowledge democracy can emerge that reflect the promise of inclusive democratic societies more meaningfully.     

Gifted,talented and high ability: selection for education in a one‐dimensional world

This article attempts to explain why it is that in England, despite twentieth‐century moves towards egalitarianism in education, the selection and segregation of those regarded as being gifted, talented, or of higher ability in better resourced schools and programmes is now increasingly acceptable. Explanations for moves away from attempts to offer a common curriculum in equally well‐resourced comprehensive schools centre round the hegemonic view that in a world of global economic competitiveness, national economies need to nurture high levels of knowledge and skills. Unsurprisingly, selective policies benefit the upper socio‐economic groups with some concessions made to selecting out the able poor. The latest set of selective policies adopted by the English government centre round programmes for the ‘Gifted and Talented’. The article uses work from the Frankfurt school of critical theorists, notably Herbert Marcuse’s notion of ‘One‐Dimensional Man’ to suggest that there is an irrational one‐dimensional view of the world economy which leads to a competitive scramble to acquire élite qualifications, abandoning notions of equality and meritocracy, and deploying ruthless strategies which require economic, cultural and social capital. Parents and students in this one‐dimensional world are subject to a permanent oppressive educational competition. The article concludes that many middle‐class parents may come to feel dispossessed as promises held out for education and employment fail to materialise, and success in a competitive global economy proves to be a one‐dimensional mirage.     

Restless youth: emigration and enterprise in Romania

The political changes in Romania after 1989 were followed by structural changes that affected all areas of social, economic, political, and cultural life. The transition from a ‘closed’ to an ‘open’ society has been difficult for East European countries, as the creation of institutions oriented towards competition and diversity has not led to an instantaneous change in mentalities and social routines. Decades of communist education in the ‘spirit of modesty’ ensured that aspirations did not transgress ideological boundaries, and this is essential to an appreciation of the gap between social aspirations and systemic functionality after 1990.

Extensive economic reorganization has had a direct effect on the education system, with some as yet unnatural changes. New occupations and fields of activity have emerged, for which existing qualifications are proving inadequate. At the same time, relative to the pre‐1989 occupational structure, the importance granted to qualifications has dramatically decreased. If the outlets for expressed ideals and aspirations are insufficient, the surplus of qualifications tends to ‘drain’ towards less socio‐economically closed environments.     

The appropriation of ‘enlightenment’ in modern Korea and Japan: Competing ideas of the enlightenment and the loss of the individual subject

Abstract

In recent decades in Korea, many significant changes in political, social and cultural dimensions have been held by the citizen’s initiative, where the revitalization of citizenship and strong civic unity have played a role. Yet, in regard to the characteristic of Korean citizenship, it seems that the aspect of individual subject has not been fully matured or issued; that is, there is a dissymmetry between the strong civic unity and a weak individual subject. This paper attempts to explore a possible historical account of why this has been the case by examining the historical development of the concept of enlightenment in modern Korea and Japan. ‘Enlightenment’, as a modern concept in Korea, was imported via Japan in the period from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century as in many other new concepts such as ‘democracy’ or ‘nation’. However, by comparison to the Western idea of the Enlightenment, its modern concept, Korean or Japanese, developed a different meaning in each own context, while lacking its original meaning essential to the creation of the ‘modern individual subject’ as a ‘citizen’. Hence, in modern Korea and Japan, the word ‘enlightenment’ is regarded as a historical concept with no contemporary relevance.     

A fair game – the neoliberal (re)organisation of social and relational practices in local school settings

Abstract

In this article, we use data from ethnography-inspired studies of eight Swedish schools. We describe and analyse how a number of neoliberal-inspired economic and political processes have (re)organised social and relational practices in local school settings. There is an increased focus on individuality in the everyday working lives of teachers, where result-centred practices, relations and professional identities have replaced notions of equality and compensatory interventions. In our study, the teachers describe an increasing focus on performativity, competition and hierarchisation. We use fairness as a lens for illuminating these changes in social relations, changes in the organisation of teachers’ practices, and teachers’ struggles with these changes. The purpose of this study is to analyse how the current reforms are enacted and how they affect the working lives of teachers, and thereby to contribute to the current discussion on how the last decades of political and administrative changes have affected educational practice.