终于坐在了一起——也谈阿以冲突

1993年9月9日,巴勒斯坦总统、巴勒斯坦解放组织执委会主席阿拉法特与以色列总理拉宾相互致函,正式承认对方。这是中东和平进程的历史性突破,是结束持续40余年的阿拉伯——以色列冲突,解决巴勒斯坦问题的关键一步。9月13日,以色列外长佩雷斯和巴解组织执委会成员阿巴斯在华盛顿签署了关于解决巴勒斯坦问题的原则宣言巴以相互承认以及巴勒斯坦有限自治等内容的和平协议。 阿拉伯人和以色列经过长期的尖锐对抗,互相残     

弟弟“以色列”

我家是个小小的世界。我，庞大而无战斗力的阿拉伯世界；弟弟，国小而军事强大的以色列；妈妈则是偏向以色列的西方列强。在西方列强的压力下，我不得不对以色列处处让步，但以色列真是得寸进尺，不是抢我“戈兰高地”便是占我“约旦河西岸”，所以我家总是“战火纷飞”。可不，第一万零一次“中东战争”爆发了。     

以色列基础教育发展特点分析

以色列国位于中东地区,西邻地中海,国土狭小,人口仅六百万,犹太人占总人口的83％,阿拉伯人约占16.8％,另有少量贝都因人。由于复杂的民族矛盾与宗教矛盾,以色列自1948年立国以来,便一直与周边阿     

犹太民族与土地的特殊关系

犹太民族的历史实际上是犹太民族与土地关系的发展史，因为犹太民族的每一次历史变迁都是犹太民族与土地关系的变迁。大流散是犹太民族失去土地的痛苦经历，犹太复国主义运动是犹太民族重新拥有土地的过程，以色列建国是犹太民族第一次以主权国家身份拥有土地，以色列与阿拉伯国家之间矛盾和冲突的根本原因依然是对土地的占有问题，阿以矛盾的最终解决依然要回到土地问题上来。     

阿拉伯国家的内部冲突与第一次中东战争的失败

1948年5月14日以色列宣布建国以后，阿拉伯国家与以色列展开了第一次中东战争。这场战争历时几个月，尽管阿拉伯国家开始取得了不少战果，但最终还是遭到失败。阿拉伯联军的失败，对于以后中东问题有着十分重要的影响。长期以来，我们过分强调美国对以色列的支持，以及英国对于美国在中东问题上强硬立场的妥协，这些固然不能被忽视，但是这场失败更多是由于他们内部冲突所致。从阿拉伯世界自身存在的问题来分析他们失败的原因，对于我们客观全面地了解中东问题，无疑很有必要，     

一个希伯来语的问候

希伯来语属于亚非语系闪米特语族(或属闪含语系闪语族),为犹太教的宗教语言。过去的二千五百年,“希伯来语”主要用于《圣经》与相关宗教方面的研究,自从20世纪特别是以色列复国以来, “希伯来语”作为口语在犹太人中重新复活,渐渐取代阿拉伯语、犹太西班牙语和意第绪语(或称为“依地语”,犹太人使用的国际交流语),以色列建国后将“希伯来语”定为官方语言之一,采用希伯来语字母书写;另一种官方语言是阿拉伯语。在阿拉伯国家,通用的语言是阿拉伯语。由于历史的原因,阿拉伯国家和以色列之间存在难以调和的矛盾,堪称世仇。但文章中的阿拉伯小女孩用希伯来语跟路上遇到的一个陌生白人打招呼(the best guess是她以为遇到的是犹太人),让作者感觉到,以色列和阿拉伯之间的仇恨并不是不能化解的,至少他在纯真的孩童身上看到了希望。     

以色列阿拉伯中小学教师素质研究

以色列阿拉伯人是以色列的少数民族。由于历史和区域经济条件、高等学校招生模式、教师培养和培训体制等方面的原因，阿拉伯教育系统中小学教师的素质明显低于希伯莱(犹太)教育系统教师的素质。如果不针对存在的问题来做出相应的改变，阿拉伯教育系统中小学教师的素质将不可能在短时间内赶上希伯莱教育系统中小学教师的素质水平。     

“六·五战争”中阿拉伯国家石油禁运失败的原因

1967年6月5日以色列在美国支持下向阿拉伯国家发起突然袭击,“六-五战争”爆发。为了制裁西方国家,阿拉伯国家使用“石油武器”,对支持以色列的西方国家实行石油禁运。石油禁运是阿拉伯产油国实施的一项专门对美国施加压力的政策。阿拉伯人输掉了战争,蕴藏丰富石油的西奈半岛被以色列占领,石油禁运失败。究其原因在于阿拉伯石油生产国自身局限性,美国努力确保西方石油供给安全以及客观上国际石油市场的急剧变化。     

历代恩怨何时了

巴勒斯坦和以色列为什么结为冤家,那里怎么会连年打仗?外交专家巧妙运用"一二三四五"概括出了巴以之间的历史恩怨脉络--(?)个祖先今天生活在以色列的犹太人和生活在巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯人,其实是一个祖先,都是闪米特族的后代。二个兄弟在这块土地上,阿拉伯人和犹太人共同生活了上百年,他们有共同的基因、历史和语言。     

“六·五战争”中阿拉伯国家石油禁运失败的原因

1967年6月5日以色列在美国支持下向阿拉伯国家发起突然袭击,"六·五战争"爆发.为了制裁西方国家,阿拉伯国家使用"石油武器",对支持以色列的西方国家实行石油禁运.石油禁运是阿拉伯产油国实施的一项专门对美国施加压力的政策.阿拉伯人输掉了战争,蕴藏丰富石油的西奈半岛被以色列占领,石油禁运失败.究其原因在于阿拉伯石油生产国自身局限性,美国努力确保西方石油供给安全以及客观上国际石油市场的急剧变化.     

巴以冲突的民族和宗教根源

长期以来,巴以关系以冲突为主,矛盾、冲突、战争构成了巴以关系的主旋律。影响巴以冲突的因素错综复杂,而主要因素是巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人与犹太人之间因民族性和宗教信仰的差异所产生的矛盾,以及他们对民族家园的追求和保护。     

Teacher‐college students’ opinions in Israel and on the West Bank of ‘what science‐education is supposed to be’

A three‐way comparison of teacher‐college entrants’ and graduating students’ views in Israel (both Jews and Arabs) and their counterparts on the West Bank was undertaken in order to diagnose subjects’ image of science and of science teaching. The questionnaire used permitted the gathering of subjects’ normative views as well as the application of these views in actual classroom science‐lesson planning. It was found that college entrants’ views of the Jewish subjects differed sharply from those of both Arab samples in all areas tested. While there was no difference between Israeli Arabs and their counterparts on the West Bank on matters concerning in‐school and in‐classroom affairs, the Israeli Arab subjects’ views about science and science‐teaching were midway between those of the Jewish subjects and the West Bank subjects. As to the graduating subjects’ normative opinions, no significant difference was found between Jewish and Arab Israeli subjects, with both these samples differing significantly from their West Bank counterparts. An identical situation for both the entrants and the graduating students pertained to actual lesson‐planning. The findings were interpreted to mean that:

• Arab science education in Israeli schools is at present in a transition period, tending to move away from traditional and towards ‘Western’ approaches.

• Three years of college education had been instrumental in eliminating the previously existing discrepancies between prospective science teachers in the Jewish and Arab sectors of Israel, and to widen the gulf between Israeli Arabs’ and West Bankers’ normative stances as to ‘what science teaching is supposed to be’.

     

University education,credentialism and social stratification among Palestinian Arabs in Israel

Few attention was devoted to the relative impact exerted by differential university access and credentialing patterns on the intrasocial stratification of subordinate groups. The paper investigates the issue among Palestinian Arabs in Israel, along religious, socioeconomic and gender lines, as well as in comparison to respective trends of the Jewish majority. Findings suggest that, while inequalities in access, retention and graduation rates at university level persist between Jews and Palestinian Arabs; for the latter, the combined effects of labor-market structure and regulative sectorial state policies, have determined considerably the relative impact of social group of origin on university enrollment, retention and graduation rates. The various implications of these findings are then discussed, urging further, and more elaborate, research into their socioeconomic and political consequences.     

The ability-track glass ceiling of Israeli schooling: lessons from a comparative analysis of Israeli and Australian PISA 2012 data

Israeli students ranked in the bottom third of the countries surveyed by PISA 2012 in mathematical literacy, while the gap between the highest and lowest scores was the second largest in the OECD. This paper explores which variables led to disparities in mathematical literacy between different socioeconomic levels and between Israeli Arabs and Jews as well as in comparison with Australian students. Different instructional approaches that are known in the literature to have a positive impact on students’ achievement are not observed in the relationship between teachers and students in Israel. In Israel, schools contribute to the perpetuation of socioeconomically driven educational inequality by using tracks that are characterised by different teaching pedagogies and different content, with little or no upward mobility between tracks, leading to structural exclusion. By comparison, in Australia, ability tracking is less rigid and mathematical literacy far higher than in Israel. The policy implication is that either teachers must work differently in a track-based system to overcome the process of exclusion dictated by the structure itself or the system must reduce the use of tracking.     

浅析冷战后美国的中东政策及影响

中东地区长期以来一直是美国全球战略的基础之一，在中东问题上，美国一味从自身的战略利益出发，采取扶植、偏袒亲美国家，打击、镇压反美势力的政策，结果造成了阿拉伯人民巨大的财产损失和心理创伤，给美国的国家安全埋下了仇恨的种子，同时也给世界和平蒙上了浓重的阴影。     

Provision of public educational services and access to higher education among the Negev Bedouin Arabs in Israel

This paper deals with the provision of educational services and access to higher education of the Negev Bedouin Arabs in Israel, in the context of the social change this community is undergoing. The Negev Bedouin have been transformed from semi‐nomads and agriculturists to urban town dwellers. Education in general, and higher education in particular, are crucial to their adjustment and development. As members of the Arab minority in Israel, they face a number of inequities in the provision of educational services, access to higher education and access to job opportunities. The Negev Bedouin schools face additional problems related to the lack of qualified teachers and proper facilities. These schools have the highest drop‐out rates and the poorest success rates on the matriculation exams in the country. As of the 1993‐94 academic year, there were only 135 Bedouin Arab university graduates and 163 university students. Their higher education ratio is 2 per 1000, which is far below the Israeli national average of 80 per 1000. Recommendations are offered for improving the access of Negev Bedouin Arabs to higher education and their subsequent absorption into the Israeli labour market.     

Values in Tension: Israel Education at a U.S. Jewish Day School

The Naphtali Herz Imber Jewish Day School proudly proclaimed its commitment to Israel, yet many of its students experienced profound ambivalence toward the Jewish State. Why? The school was committed to a series of contradictory values which surfaced in its approach to Israel education. This article outlines three distinct yet interrelated tensions: tensions between an open exchange of ideas and a non-debatable loyalty to Israel; between pluralism and Zionism; and between inclusivity and expertise. It demonstrates how American Jewish students—when confronted with values in tension—struggled to make sense of Israel and their relationship to it.     

NEEDED INVESTIGATIONS IN JEWISH EDUCATION

This article takes up categories from literature on political and civic engagement to help make sense of data collected from interviews with 40 American Jewish day high school students about what they think and feel about Israel. Viewed through a set of lenses that distinguish between the manifestations and motivations of political and civic engagement, the article helps clarify why young Jews, even when actively and positively engaged with Israel, are uncomfortable labeling themselves as Zionists. The analysis points to an important distinction between the concepts of Israel as “home” and “homeland.” The article also raises important questions about what is presumed to be an increasing distance or alienation from Israel among young American Jews.     

Yaffa: a school of their choice?

This article is a product of in‐depth research in Yaffa, The Arab Democratic School that was carried out in 2004/05, as part of a study on alternative Arab education in Israel. Its aim, beyond telling the story of Yaffa, is to explicate the motivations that underlay this initiative, and to examine parental choice amongst the disadvantaged. We ask how the Arabs’ parental choice is affected by their (marginalised) social location, by how far they are from the dominant culture, and by their (in)capacity to make a difference. Apparently, to make a choice is a multidimensional act, reflecting the Palestinian citizens’ resistance to their marginalisation and unwillingness to be subjugated through non‐democratic educational perceptions. Their positionality resonates in Yaffa, as an act of intervention, and their search for an alternative reality where democratic education is not and cannot be separated from the Palestinian citizens’ need to imagine themselves as Arabs.