第一次“台海危机”与一个中国的原则

第一次“台湾危机”是中美两国在朝鲜停战后围绕问题的初次交锋。在这次危机中,中美双方围绕一个中国的原则展开了激烈斗争。中国政府决定炮击金门,是为了通过有限的军事行动,在全世界面前突出台湾问题,表明中国维护一个中国原则的坚守立场;而美国政府给自己的脖颈上套绞索,则是其推行“划峡而治”、“两个中国”政策的必然;作为这场危机的结局而开始的中美大使级会谈,则成为中国政府反对美国制造“两个中国”图谋的另一特殊方式。     

金融危机前后世界主要股票指数的风险分析——基于t分布和GED分布自由度的实证研究

本文选取14只世界主要的股票指数,采用GARCH（1,1）和EGARCH（1,1）模型比较金融危机前后的股市风险变化.结果表明：收益率在不同分布假设下Var值均能很好模拟风险,同时,GARCH（1,1）-GED计算的CVar值在金融危机中能很好地模拟股市风险;由t分布和GED分布的自由度的变化得出,金融危机的蔓延使得各国股市的风险上升并且趋同,而且这一状况在危机后并没有得到显著改善;发达国家受金融危机的影响严重,恢复极其缓慢,而发展中国家恢复较快.     

橄榄形高等教育认证制度模式的世界格局和中国的位置

本研究旨在探究世界高等教育认证制度格局及其形成的原因.对49个国家和地区研究后发现,世界高等教育认证制度呈橄榄形格局,一端是美国的“山寨”模式,中间是代表世界大势的“立法设立、行政独立”模式,另一端是“教育行政部门控制”模式.世界趋势是橄榄的两端向中间靠拢.中国正处于“橄榄”的一端,并正处于在向中间靠拢的运动中.一个国家的文化传统、政治制度和国际影响决定了该国所选择的高等教育认证制度;“先发内生型”国家的认证制度基本上由该国的文化和政治决定,国际影响很弱;“后发外生型”国家的文化、政治和国际影响都对认证制度起重要作用,其中国际影响发挥长期的导向性作用.     

未来银行生存环境严峻

风险降低．利润下降,规模缩小—对全世界银行前景的预测,而现在它们正试图从战后最严重的金融危机中复苏。金融环境的这种划时代转变意味着,即使是安然无恙度过衰退期的银行也得竭力适应新的环境。     

美元化的危害及亚洲货币合作

虽然亚洲金融危机已经过去，但是不合理的国际货币体系依然存在，导致危机的钉住美元的汇率制度不但已经在不少国家恢复，而且出现了更为严重的美元化趋势。从利率和汇率两个方面看，美元化存在着种种的弊端，以亚洲国家为例的实证研究也证明了这一点，既然美元化存有严重的缺陷，短期内又无法改革现行的国际货币体系，亚洲地区的货币合作则可能是一个较为理想的出路，虽然亚洲货币合作存在着许多困难，但是，随着该地区各国经济依存度的加深，当收益大于成本之时，合作也是可能的。     

论黄碧云小说对人的精神生态的思索与探寻

生态危机不仅发生在自然领域,同时也发生在社会领域、精神领域.而精神领域的生态危机对人造成的伤害更具有不可遏制的恐惧性.人们在精神困境中不断挣扎,寻找美好的精神家园,寻求“诗意的栖居”.黄碧云的小说通过书写人性的异化和存在的疏离化,从精神生态的审美高度展示人的精神生态困境;并通过书写人物对自由的追寻、与命运的搏斗、对男权的反抗,透露出黄碧云小说对人类精神生态美的探寻.     

试论《中小企业促进法》的作用和意义——兼谈反垄断法与中小企业促进法的关系

中小企业在世界各国经济中都占有重要地位,发挥着巨大的作用。因此各发达国家政府都采取立法及设立专门机构等措施扶持中小企业的发展。中小企业促进法与反垄断法相互配合,共同保障经济自由与经济民主的实现。我国新颁布的《中小企业促进法》是建立真正市场经济的重要保障。     

历次石油危机回顾及对中国的警示

20世纪中后期,世界共爆发了三次石油危机,对世界经济产生了重大影响。从2002年至今,石油价格猛涨。第四次石油危机话题被重新提起。通过对石油危机发生条件的判断,得出现有因素不支持石油危机爆发的结论,但是需要提前做好准备。因此,在对20世纪日本及美国为应对石油危机而采取的相关措施的考察的基础上。提出中国应合理借鉴他国的经验,采取相应的对策,以迎接未来石油危机的挑战。     

中国传统国格之正义立国及中华法系之正义法系初探

做人要有人格,立国也要有国格。考察中国国名的含义与中国的历史,可以发现“中国长期以正义立国,国人普遍追求公平正义”的事实。中国的“中”在表示国格时,意思是“不偏不倚”与“正义”,“正义”就是中国的国格,是中国的国家认同与凝聚力之所在。中国追求正义不仅体现在宗教信仰、国民素质与传统文化中,更体现在中华法系的法律体系架构与国际秩序推动均以“正义”为价值取向,中华法系是全世界法律体系中最具影响力与智慧的正义法系,比单纯的自由法系更加成熟、自然,更少成本。以正义立国,返本复原不仅是古代中国领先世界的根本原因,也是当代中国复兴的起点与号角,还是世界完善幼稚自由主义,走向成熟自由、和平、稳定、正义的福音。     

当代世界中的浮士德——论贝娄笔下知识分子的精神焦虑及其激励作用

索尔·贝娄是一位典型的思想型、学者型的作家。在小说中,贝娄比较深刻地揭示了当代西方世界存在的危机,特别是知识分子的精神危机。这些知识分子孤独、苦闷、忧郁、迷惘,陷入极端的焦虑之中。但他们并没有失去生存的信念,而是在艰难的挣扎中寻找着自我拯救的路途,因而成为当代世界中的“浮士德”。     

Student assessment of teaching in higher education

Plans to introduce campus-wide assessments of college or university teaching which are largely dependent on student ratings are seen as a threat to academic freedom in those institutions with little or no experience of this form of evaluation. While regular student evaluations of teaching are very common in North America, their introduction is only now being considered in colleges and universities in a number of other countries. Research on the reliability and validity of student ratings indicate that they are capable of providing valuable information about the quality of teaching. Depending on the survey used, this type of evaluation may be used to provide evidence of teaching ability to staffing committees or to suggest ways of improving teaching. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations for higher education institutions which are considering the regular assessment of all teachers by their students.     

Academic Freedom: Constitutional Myths and Practical Realities

Academic Freedom is a sacrosanct value on American university campuses. Virtually all research institutions, public and private, have explicitly adopted some form of the American Association of University Professors’ 1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure or the organization’s the 1915 Declaration of Principles on Academic Freedom & Tenure. Because of the near universal acceptance of the principle of academic freedom, there is a common belief that the United States Constitution recognizes academic freedom and, more importantly, confers “special rights” on the persons and institutions of academia. Yet, despite its almost universal acceptance by faculty and administrators and despite its constant use as a constitutional theory whenever faculty and/or administrators dislike a government program, academic freedom is a constitutional myth. The rights of individual academics or of academic institutions are no greater than the rights of individual non-academics or of non-academic agencies or institutions. Put another way, from a constitutional standpoint, there is nothing special about the academic setting. Academic Freedom is no greater, and no lesser, than the constitutional rights of non-academics or ordinary state agencies. Nevertheless, academic freedom must be respected as a practical reality. There are important public policy reasons why university professors should have wide latitude in their research, writing, and teaching efforts. At the same time, institutions should be given a large amount of discretion in determining the scope of their missions. In other words, while academic freedom is not a federal constitutional value, it should be an important public policy consideration and, perhaps, even a state constitutional value. The purpose of this Article is twofold. First, it seeks to demonstrate that academic freedom is a constitutional myth. Institutional academic freedom, the idea that institutions of higher education have a federal constitutional right to be free from outside control, is simply incompatible with constitutional realities. Moreover, professors do not have an individual constitutional right to academic freedom. In short, the rights of professors and the institutions that employ them are no greater than the rights of non-academic employees and non-academic organizations. Second, it attempts to explain why respect for academic freedom is a practical reality.     

Inadequacies in the concept of neutrality 1

While the need for humanising education is pressing in neoliberal societies, the conditions for its possibility in formal institutions have become particularly cramped. A constellation of factors – the strength of neoliberal ideologies, the corporatisation of universities, the conflation of human freedom with consumer satisfaction and a wider crisis of hope in the possibility or desirability of social change – make it difficult to apply classical theories of subject-transformation to new work in critical pedagogy. In particular, the growth of interest in pedagogies of comfort (as illustrated in certain forms of ‘therapeutic’ education and concerns about student ‘satisfaction’ in universities) and resistance to critical pedagogies suggest that subjectivty has become a primary site of political struggle in education. However, it can no longer be assumed that educators can (or should) liberate students' repressed desires for humanisation by politicising curricula, pedagogy or institutions. Rather, we must work to understand the new meanings and affective conditions of critical subjectivity itself. Bringing critical theories of subject transformation together with new work on ‘pedagogies of discomfort’, I suggest we can create new ways of opening up possibilities for critical education that respond to neoliberal subjectivities without corresponding to or affirming them.     

“自我”与“他者”,碰撞与融合——论后殖民理论对中国民族文化建设的警示意义

后殖民理论是一种多种文化政治理论和批评方法的集合性话语,它不仅是解读文学作品的重要理论之一,而且也是现实实践中解析东西方政治文化关系的有效的理论方法。针对全球化时期的文化身份问题,论述了后殖民理论对以中国为代表的第三世界国家民族文化生存与发展的警示意义。即警示当前西方世界的后殖民主义威胁、警示第三世界国家民族文化的生存危机、警示中国通俗文化中的后殖民主义心理等。     

新时期中青年干部应有的时代意识

当今和未来的世界竞争，从根本上说是人才的竞争。这种人才竞争是全面的，包括领导干部在内的各个方面、各个层次的人才，都面临着各种竞争的检验与考验。本文从6个方面对新时期中青年干部应有的意识进行了阐述。     

赫鲁晓夫“和平过渡”理论的异化

社会发展不断证明,社会主义制度和资本主义制度各有短长,因此才有共同发展的可能和必要。1956年赫鲁晓夫提出"和平过渡"问题在苏联国内外引起强烈反响,对马列主义关于无产阶级斗争策略理论有极大影响,我们今天对这一理论进行重新评价同样具有重要意义。因为十月革命胜利七十多年后,许多国家却暂时走完了它们的社会主义历程。这一理论的提出有一定事实根据,是对国际共运前途的大胆预言。我们不能因为政治气候的变化便将其全盘否定,对其重新评价也是全面评价赫鲁晓夫其人及世界现当代史上其他人物的重要内容。随着历史发展,"和平过渡"这一重要的斗争形式一定能够实现由理论到实践的飞跃。     

“自我”与“他者”，碰撞与融合论后殖民理论对中国民族文化建设的警示意义

后殖民理论是一种多种文化政治理论和批评方法的集合性话语,它不仅是解读文学作品的重要理论之一,而且也是现实实践中解析东西方政治文化关系的有效的理论方法。针对全球化时期的文化身份问题,论述了后殖民理论对以中国为代表的第三世界国家民族文化生存与发展的警示意义。即警示当前西方世界的后殖民主义威胁、警示第三世界国家民族文化的生存危机、警示中国通俗文化中的后殖民主义心理等。     

主权债务危机的根源是资本主义社会的基本矛盾

主权债务危机给正在走出金融危机的世界经济带来新的变数,成为影响世界经济的主要问题之一。欧洲主权债务危机和不久前的金融危机有着千丝万缕的联系。资本主义国家的主权债务危机是资本主义社会经济危机在当代全球化、金融化背景下的表现形式,是当代资本主义社会难以调和的矛盾,其根源依然是资本主义社会基本矛盾,资本主义国家固有的政治制度也是其发生的重要原因。资本主义难逃被取代的命运。     

University social responsibility in the context of economic displacement from the proposed upgrading of a higher education institution: The case of the University of Groningen Yantai campus

Around the world, especially in rapidly developing countries, many higher education institutions of various forms are being established. In China, many new universities have been created, including by upgrading existing tertiary education institutions. This process creates economic displacement, with livelihood consequences and social impacts on existing employees and local communities. Using the proposed (but now cancelled) University of Groningen campus in Yantai, China, as a case study, we consider the social impacts that were experienced, or were likely to be experienced, by the employees of the pre-existing institution. Existing employees experienced many negative impacts from economic displacement. They were not satisfied with the compensation offered, their views and interests were not adequately considered, and many were afraid to express their concerns. The institutions involved in the project failed to fulfil their corporate social responsibility (CSR) and environmental, social and governance (ESG) obligations to ensure no harm.     

论印度刑事司法体系下的强奸罪及被害人权利

尽管印度于1983年通过了刑法修疋案,但其法律体系仍不能有效规制强奸罪,也许有必要从被害人角度唤醒他们自身对权利的认知,同时提高司法介入的效率。印度宪法第21条规定,妇女和男人平等享有生存权和自由权,因此当前的问题不是被害人是否有保持身体完整的权利,而是能否采取紧急措施根除犯罪,让妇女在当前和未来很长一段时间内处于安全。由于其他因素的存在,致使可能单纯通过颁布新的法令或扩大法律执行机构等方式不能遏制犯罪,所以立法目的和法院办案思维可作适当调整,考虑将妇女权益尤其强奸罪被害人权利作为明确的保护范畴。既然该种犯罪属于社会一法律交叉问题,那幺时于政府、妇女组织及法律制度来说。当务之急是给予妇女及时的救济。