Corporal punishment in schools: myths, problems and alternatives

In many countries, corporal punishment of school children continues to be an officially or unofficially sanctioned form of institutional child abuse. Continuing support for the use of corporal punishment is related to the following factors: (1) widely held beliefs regarding the effectiveness of corporal punishment, (2) an unawareness of problems resulting from the use of physical punishment, and (3) a lack of knowledge about effective disciplinary alternatives. The purpose of this paper is threefold: One is to show that many of the beliefs are myths, e.g., corporal punishment is not needed to build character. The second purpose is to show that physical punishment can lead to more problems than it appears to solve, e.g., the punitive teacher is avoided, and thus, is not a positive factor in the child's education and development. The third purpose is to discuss two types of alternatives to punishment, the social learning approach and communication skills training. These positive methods of discipline not only enhance classroom behavior, but also facilitate learning. In an atmosphere free of abusing and demeaning acts and in a classroom characterized by positive mutual regard, teachers can maximize their effectiveness as teachers and students can maximize their effectiveness as learners.     

Defining reasonable force: Does it advance child protection?

Fifty-two countries have abolished all physical punishment of children, yet Canada has retained its criminal defense to ‘reasonable' corrective force. In 2004, Canada's Supreme Court attempted to set limits on punitive acts that can be considered reasonable under the law. In the present study, we examined the validity of these limits. If the court's limits provide adequate protection to children, most substantiated child maltreatment cases should exceed those limits. We operationalized each limit and applied it to a provincially representative sample of substantiated child physical maltreatment cases. We found that the majority of substantiated physical abuse cases fell within each of the court's limits. In more than one in four substantiated physical abuse cases, not even one of the court's limits was exceeded. The best predictor of whether a report was substantiated was whether spanking was typical in the child's home. The findings suggest that abolition of physical punishment would provide greater protection to children than attempts to set limits on its use.     

Parental spanking of 1-year-old children and subsequent child protective services involvement

The majority of U.S. parents spank their children, often beginning when their children are very young. We examined families (N = 2,788) who participated in a longitudinal community-based study of new births in urban areas. Prospective analyses examined whether spanking by the child's mother, father, or mother's current partner when the child was 1-year-old was associated with household CPS involvement between age 1 and age 5. Results indicated that 30% of 1-year-olds were spanked at least once in the past month. Spanking at age 1 was associated with increased odds of subsequent CPS involvement (adjusted odds ratio = 1.36, 95% CI [1.08, 1.71], p < .01). When compared to non-spanked children, there was a 33% greater probability of subsequent CPS involvement for children who were spanked at age 1. Given the undesirable consequences of spanking children and a lack of empirical evidence to suggest positive effects of physical punishment, professionals who work with families should counsel parents not to spank infants and toddlers. For optimal benefits, efforts to educate parents regarding alternative forms of discipline should begin during the child's first year of life.     

Mothers’ self-reported violence toward their children: A multifaceted risk analysis

The universal aim of decreasing parental violence against children requires the detection of risk factors associated with violent behavior among parents. Although research has identified a number of such risk factors, these findings are scattered and a comprehensive picture is lacking. In the present study, 20 child-, parent- and family-related factors have been included in a combined analysis to assess which of these may pose as risk factors for mothers’ severe violent behavior toward their children. The study is based on a representative sample of 2,716 Finnish mothers with 0–12-year-old children and was conducted as an anonymous survey. Analyses were carried out using logistic regression models. 6% of the mothers had committed severe violent acts, i.e. slapped, hit, punched (with a fist), kicked, bit, hit/try to hit the child with an object or shook (under 2 year old) child at least once during the 12 months preceding the survey. Corporal punishment experienced by the mother as a child (OR 2.45, CI 1.55–3.88) or used by the mother as a method of discipline (OR 11.14, CI 5.95–20.87), strongly increased the likelihood of severe violent acts. Additionally, work- or family-related stress (OR 1.83, CI 1.24–2.73) and lack of help in dealing with parenting problems (OR 2.55, CI 1.66–3.90) were detected as risk factors for severe violent acts toward one's own child. The findings suggest that prevention of corporal punishment may be an important hinder to the transmission of experiences of violence from one generation to another, and that contextual and situational factors may overlap the influence of individual-related risk factors.     

Cultural factors in decision-making about child physical abuse: identifying reporter characteristics influencing reporting tendencies

OBJECTIVE: This study examined cultural factors that may influence child physical abuse reporting. Relevant cultural factors such as the respondents' ethnic identity and corporal punishment acceptability were investigated as proximal variables of ethnicity that affect child physical abuse reporting tendencies. METHOD: Participants consisted of 378 Caucasian, Hispanic, and African American college students. Participants read 12 vignettes that varied the ethnicity of the child and described a parent using physical punishment with the child. Participants' level of ethnic identity and their acceptance of different discipline practices were also assessed. Data were analyzed using multiple regression procedures. RESULTS: The ethnicity of the respondent was a significant predictor of reporting tendencies for African American respondents only. For African Americans, higher levels of ethnic identity and acceptance of corporal punishment were significant mediators of reporting tendencies, which influenced the relationship between ethnicity and likelihood to report a child of the same ethnicity. CONCLUSION: The results of this study indicate that ethnic minorities may not share similar cultural values and may differ in their degree of adherence to certain cultural variables. These results demonstrate how cultural variables that influence reporting tendencies may not apply across ethnic groups. Therefore, specifying relevant cultural variables is essential to understanding the relationship between ethnicity and reporting tendencies.     

"I've tried the switch but he laughs through the tears:" the use and conceptualization of corporal punishment during the Machine Age, 1924-1939

OBJECTIVE: To examine attitudes, conflicts, images, circumstances, and time-period effects associated with corporal punishment and other forms of adult-to-child violence during the early 20th century in the United States. METHOD: A sample of 147 letters, referencing corporal punishment and dating from 1924 to 1939, were analyzed using both qualitative and quantitative techniques. The letters were addressed to Angelo Patri (1876-1965), a popular child-rearing expert during the interwar years (also known as the Machine Age), and written primarily by middle class parents with everyday worries about child rearing and proper discipline. RESULTS: People who sought advice emphasized the practical significance of corporal punishment over and above the idea that it violated children's rights to be protected against harm. One in four letters cited conflicts with significant others about corporal punishment. Generally, children were perceived as frail, defiant, or feral. Rarely, were they seen as devilish or, conversely, innocent. Children's disobedience and disrespect were cited more than other misbehaviors as reasons for corporal punishment. Age and gender of the focal child varied by time period when letters from the 1920s and 1930s were compared. CONCLUSIONS: A full understanding of parent-to-child violence cannot be achieved without a firm grasp of its genealogy. The growing popularity of child psychology during the Machine Age had a measurable impact on how children were viewed. A utilitarian frame of interpretation was an important part of the everyday "work" associated with child rearing during this time, foreshadowing the tendency today to emphasize efficacy more than rights when evaluating the legitimacy of corporal punishment.     

Exploring the reciprocal relations between mothers’ and fathers’ use and attitudes of corporal punishment in China: A cross-lagged analysis

BackgroundCorporal punishment is a commonly used form of disciplinary technique. Sanctified parental attitudes of corporal punishment have been found to be a significant predictor of parental use of corporal punishment in previous research, while little is currently known about the reciprocal relations between parental use and their attitudes of corporal punishment.ObjectiveThis research aimed to examine the reciprocal relations between mothers’ and fathers’ use and attitudes of corporal punishment in China.MethodsData were collected on a total of 320 Chinese father-mother dyads with their children (10–11 years of age at baseline) through convenience sampling techniques at two time points, one year apart. Parents completed self-report measures of mothers' and fathers' use and attitudes of corporal punishment. Children completed self-report measures of parental corporal punishment.ResultsThe cross-lagged analysis indicated that parental attitudes of corporal punishment in a given year predicted their use of corporal punishment in the subsequent year both for mothers (β = 0.15, p < .01) and fathers (β = 0.10, p < .05), while their corporal punishment in a given year did not predict their attitudes of it in the subsequent year (βs < 0.11, ps > .05).ConclusionsFindings indicate that the reciprocal relations do not emerge, with only attitude-behavior effects being evident for both mothers and fathers, while behavior-attitude effects were not present. Findings in the present study highlight the importance of changing both mothers’ and fathers’ favorable attitudes toward corporal punishment when conducting appropriate prevention intervention to decrease its use.