A private matter? Religious education and democracy in Indonesia and Israel

The article examines state-supported religious education and its consequences for civic attitudes in Indonesia and Israel, two democracies that grant religion a prominent place in the public sphere, particularly in education. The comparison reveals that while in Indonesia the state was able to gradually introduce a secular curriculum in religious schools and establish an accreditation system by which it could exert influence on the way religion is taught, in Israel, by contrast, state-funded religious schools over time became increasingly opposed to a mandatory ‘core curriculum’ of general studies. The comparison further suggests that in Indonesia the inclusion of a secular curriculum in religious schools in the 1970s should be seen as one of the factors promoting the production and dissemination of ‘rationalist approaches to religion’ and brought religious actors on board of democratisation, while in Israel the exclusion of a secular curriculum from religious schooling has undermined civic commitments among ultra-Orthodox Jewish citizens and as such weakened Israeli democracy. The article is based on public opinion data, data from the Ministries of Religion and Education, and court decisions in both countries.     

Teaching Religion in Public Schools: Review of Warren A. Nord,Does God Make A Difference?

In this review of Warren Nord's Does God Make a Difference? Taking Religion Seriously in Our Schools and Universities, Walter Feinberg provides a detailed analysis of Nord's argument that the study of religion should be constitutionally mandated as a corrective to the overwhelmingly secular course of study offered in contemporary public schools and universities. Nord bases his claim on both constitutional and educational grounds. His constitutional argument is that, due to their secular bias, schools fail in their requirement to take a neutral stance toward religion; he contends that this creates a school environment hostile to religion that thus requires a legal remedy. Nord's primary educational argument is that religion courses are needed to counterbalance the secular bias dominant in public schools and universities. Feinberg delineates how Nord's constitutional argument fails and how his educational argument has serious flaws and contradictions. According to Feinberg, a stronger argument for mandating courses on religion in schools would be that because public schools exist in a religiously infused environment, it is important for students to be exposed to alternative understandings that promote reflection on and criticism of one's own beliefs, including religious beliefs. Feinberg concludes that if religion is to be taught in the public schools, it needs to be justified on civic rather than religious grounds.     

Education,Religion, and a Sustainable Planet

Religious pluralism led to the colonies' separation of church and state by 1776, to Mann's campaign for common schooling, and to the complete secularization of public schools by 1900. The dependence of Western theology upon untenable Greek metaphysics justifies an explanation that the evolutionary purpose of religion was to promote personal integration and social cohesion. This also occurs in civic religion, herein explicated as the common faith established by truths from intersubjectively valid inquiries and by experienced qualities (i.e., the goodness) of things in the natural, societal, and lived worlds of the natural and social sciences and humanities. This promotes natural piety and a sustainable planet by grounding education in the child's being in the world. The inclusion of formal religion in the public school curriculum is considered, but unnecessary, because schools already promote individual development and social cohesion through education for citizenship, etc.     

Religious Worldviews and the Common School: The French Dilemma

This article explores, in the French context, an aspect of what Terence McLaughlin (1991) has described in an unpublished paper as the 'dilemma of substantiality' faced by any school system endeavouring to promote neutrality. In France, in order that the public or common school be genuinely open to all students, not only is the wearing of conspicuous religious symbols forbidden but so too is any direct teaching of religion. The cultural consequences resulting from this prohibition have led to the mandating of cross-curricular teaching about religion. This article aims to show that the civic principles (la laïcité) on which this teaching is based pose in an acute and problematic form the 'dilemma of substantiality'.     

Religious engagement and attitudes to the role of religion in society: their effect on civic and social values in an Asian context

This paper explored the impact of religious engagement (religious background, religious service attendance and religious activities participation) on adolescents’ civic and social values. Attitudes towards the influence of religion on society were investigated as a possible mediator/moderator of religious engagement. A model based on Western literature was tested using a sample of over 2000 Hong Kong students. Secondary data were drawn from the International Civics and Citizenship Education Study 2009. Multi-level modelling was used to assess individual and school level effects on civic and social values. Results indicated that religious engagement exerted varied effects. Religious background showed small and negative effects on students’ civic and social values. Participation in religious services indicated a small, positive and significant effect on social but not on civic values. Participation in religious activities showed no significant effect on either social or civic values. These variables exerted a small moderating effect on social and civic values through attitudes to the influence of religion on society. The latter exerted a positive and significant effect on civic values and a negative effect on social values. These results suggested that Western models depicting the positive relationship between religious engagement and citizenship values may not hold for Asian societies.     

ABSTRACTS OF DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS IN RELIGIOUS EDUCATION, 1973‐1974

The ethos of the Enlightenment placed religious and spiritual concerns in a private sphere, while politics became a public concern. In this vein, many American educators, including John Dewey, have vigorously insisted that public schools remain free from religion while inculcating a common civic virtue. Recently, however, educational theorists and practitioners influenced by Dewey have worried about the public's lack of spiritual intelligence and have asked how democracy and spirituality might be reconciled within schools. I approach this question through an examination of Elmer Thiessen's Teaching for Commitment: Liberal Education, Indoctrination, and Christian Nurture (1993). While not a follower of Dewey, Thiessen's work raises important questions for those who follow Dewey and who are concerned with the relationship between democracy and spirituality.     

Social pressure for religious conformity and anti-gay sentiment among Muslim and Christian youth

Abstract

Research on civic education, for the most part, investigates the alleged outcomes of deliberate civic education programs. Remarkably, few types of research have investigated how the outcomes of group process (e.g. based on religion) in schools, and more specifically, the pressure to conform to in-group norms, relate to civic educational goals (e.g. promoting tolerance for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender people). Against that background, this paper has two objectives. First, we assess social variation in perceived social pressure for religious conformity among Christian and Muslim Youth enrolled in secondary education in Flanders (N?=?2765). Second, we investigate the relationship between perceived social pressure for religious conformity and anti-gay sentiment. Our analyses are guided by social identity theory and rely on multilevel analysis. We find that for both Christian and Muslim youth, anti-gay sentiment is higher among young people who experience higher social pressure through the perceived expectations from talking with significant others about religion.     

Citizenship and Education: from Alfred Marshall to Iris Marion Young

The welfare state was characterised by two central principles: universality and equality.It can be argued that the development of education in New Zealand was shaped and maintained by both these ideals.The public benefits of education were not, however, simply the sum of individual private benefits, for norms such as political or civic tolerance, literacy, or the values required for democratic functioning adhere to the quality of a community and are not reducible to, or contained in, the psychological characteristics of individuals.The early New Zealand educators claimed that in order that public benefits might be derived from schooling, and as an essential precondition of citizenship, all children should receive an education with common features whether they lived in town or in rural districts, whether they were rich or poor, black or white, and irrespective of their religion or their cultural practices.As Fraser expressed it in 1939:
The government's objective, broadly expressed, is that every person, whatever the level of his academic ability, whether he be rich or poor, whether he live in town or country, has a right as a citizen to a free education of a kind for which he is best fitted and to the fullest extent of his powers.(AJHR, 1939, pp.2–3; emphasis added)     

电视民生新闻评论特点分析

电视民生新闻迅猛发展,其新颖的取材内容和播出形式,具有亲民性、互动性的优势和强烈的本土化特征,深受观众欢迎。面对新的形势,在民生新闻的评论工作中确立恰如其分的评论方式,探索更为宽广的民生新闻评论道路,对于深化舆论引导功能,解决受群众实际问题与困惑,更好地推动我国民生新闻评论事业的发展具有重要意义。     

The ‘Civic-minded’ Professional? An exploration through Hannah Arendt’s ‘vita activa’

Recent reform initiatives calling for ‘civic’ (‘public-good’ or ‘democratic’) professionalism can be seen as a response to the widely reported decline in public trust in the professions and an attempt to partially remedy this problem through a more publically engaged professionalism. The author draws on the political philosophy of Hannah Arendt, identifying the strong, albeit in the professionalism literature rarely acknowledged, affinities between civic professionalism and her concept of action as (collective) freedom through public deliberation. Using the three modalities of the active life that Arendt discusses in The Human Condition (labour, work and action) as analytical tools, the author suggests that changing conditions in the public sector have led to professional life increasingly taking on the forms of labour and work, at the expense of action. The implications of these developments are highlighted before the author proceeds to show that a professional life oriented strongly towards action is consistent with ‘civic’ professionalism based on community engagement. Some of the main approaches traditionally taken to promote a civic orientation among university students are noted; the article concludes with a discussion of how the specific concepts underlying Arendtian action can be put to work in university pedagogies to intentionally promote the public ‘civic-minded professional’.     

积极参与——阿伦特的公民文化观

公民文化的建设是当前政治哲学讨论的热点之一,汉娜.阿伦特通过对行动、公共领域等概念的分析和界定,对建立在"积极参与"这一公民共和主义传统上的公民文化作出了极富原创力的思考和阐释。阿伦特希望借此来提醒世人重新肯定行动、重建公共领域、积极参与社会政治生活。     

Exercising ‘The Right To Research’: Youth‐Based Community Media Production as Transformative Action

This article explores the participatory media practices used by the Center for Urban Pedagogy, a non‐profit community‐based media organisation in New York City. Taking as her point of departure a digital media investigation into bodegas in the south Bronx (neighbourhood grocery stores), the author explores how CUP uses the power of art and design to cultivate civic engagement among youth, in part by strengthening participants’ public speaking, digital media and research skills. In interviews with participants, the author finds that this work mitigates participants’ expressed fears of being dismissed as boring when speaking with public officials, a fear taken seriously through a reading of the work of child psychoanalyst D. W. Winnicott. Winnicott worried that the person who felt boring too often retreated from participating in civic life. If, argues the author, youth are to claim what Appadurai describes as the fundamental ‘human right to research’ in the public realm, then the civic as well as the psychological dimensions that enable participants to engage in transformative action must be strengthened.     

The impact of migration on national identity in a globalized world: a comparison of civic education curricula in England,France and Ireland

This article examines the extent to which citizens of migrant origin are included within discourses of national identity in civic education curricula in England, France and Ireland. We explore how much space is given to citizens of migrant origin in discourses of national identity in civic education curricula and how they fit with central values normalized by a higher degree of recognition in schools. Although early immigration systems assumed that incorporation of migrants into the national polity would take place via socialization in education, the failure to include citizens of migrant origin in the contemporary ‘imagined community’ articulated in civic education discourses risks marginalizing some citizens which gives rise to a sovereignty gap. The disparity between legal and cultural belonging of some individuals in Western Europe presents a major challenge for education systems which are tasked with making national identity discourse resonate with a globalized citizenry. The study found that despite commonalities around the promotion of human rights and democracy, civic education curricula diverge with regard to representation of religion. Moreover, nationalistic aspects of the French model contrast with a multicultural, and recently global, approach to citizenship education in England and the promotion of European citizenship in Ireland.     

Towards new learning environments—Collective civic actions as learning interventions in post-Communist Belgrade

This article focuses on the social dimension of well-being, based on a critical analysis of the way it is conceptualised in late capitalism: As the dimensions of individual state of mind and body, something that evolves in the individual realm, stressing personal responsibility and achievement of well-being as a solitary act. Then, the contemporary conceptualisation and approaches to policy making for well-being are compared with the policy of adult and youth education and learning. The perspective of a strong individual orientation, detachment from the social, community and collective aspects and efforts seem to be a common denominator. Agency is considered not only as a possibility for individuals to create and change the environment, but also as a process of active co-construction of social reality. This includes (re)connection with a community, very often through new ways of community learning, civic actions and civic activities. An analysis of how these perspectives converge in civic interventions in urban areas of Belgrade places togetherness at the core of the broader approach to well-being and learning. This article presents several examples of civic activities in urban spaces whose learning character is interpreted within the concept of public pedagogy. The examples presented prevail in the post-Communist countries because public spaces as zones of civic interventions can oppose the controlling authority and through the fight for human and civil rights represent the bottom line of togetherness and collective agency. Learning through collective civic actions thus provides new ways of understanding well-being.     

An Assessment of Arguments for Teaching Religion in Public Schools in the United States

After evaluating arguments for teaching a religion course in public schools, and finding the most common ones less than convincing, I provide a justification rooted in the unique mission of public education. I then suggest that two types of courses, Bible Literature and World Religion, could, if properly taught, serve this mission in a unique way. I also provide a set of minimum guidelines for teachers if religion courses are to be appropriate for public schools.     

公民参与、“思政”课教学的公民意识培育效应检验——基于浙江省8所高校的问卷调查

参与公共生活是培育公民意识的基本途径,＂思政课＂教学是大学生公民意识培育的主渠道。为了验证公民参与、＂思政课＂教学对大学生公民意识的培育效应,基于浙江省8所高校的随机抽样问卷调查,用回归模型进行检验,结果发现：参与政治公共事务对大学生公民意识培育具有双重影响,且影响力度最强;参与校园自治、参与社区服务对公民意识培育具有正面效应,但其培育效应不全面。＂思政课＂教学对大学生公民意识培育具有正向影响,但无法显著影响法治意识和自由意识,且影响力度弱于政治参与。大学公民教育须据此有效应对,以促进大学生养成现代理想公民品质。     

‘These religions are no good – they’re nothing but idol worship’: mis/representation of religion in Religious Education at school in Malawi and Ghana

This article draws data from two complementary studies in sub-Saharan Africa to highlight the problem of religious misrepresentation in (multi-faith) Religious Education (RE) at school in Malawi and Ghana. Employing Michael Apples’ conception of selective tradition, the article is critical of the confrontational disputation inherent in the RE in the two countries. The misrepresentation is analysed under themes related to classroom discourse and the nature of religion. It argues that RE could actually be counter-productive and thus end up misrepresenting religions instead of promoting them. Unless there is a radical shift in the areas identified, the subject will continue to present a distorted picture of religion and thus fail in its civic responsibility as a curriculum area that is perhaps best placed to inculcate pro-social values towards citizenship in a world of religious diversity.     

Civic rhythms in an informal,media-rich learning program

Increasingly, adult mentors in informal, media-rich settings, like libraries and museums, seek to integrate both learning and civic engagement opportunities for youth into designed programming. This article illustrates how youth open and sustain opportunities for civic engagement over the course of a six-month, youth-driven program – Metro: Building Blocks (MBB) – housed within a digital media learning lab in an urban public library. Analysis develops the concept of civic rhythms as a means to feel out the social and affective contours of civic engagement that emerge in MBB. To better understand the civic rhythms of MBB, analysis focuses specifically on three rhythmic elements: pulsation, reciprocation, and oscillation. The article concludes suggesting that future research develop principles for designing-in-time that assist researchers and mentors in attuning to the youth-driven rhythms that sustain informal, media-rich programs.     

和谐社会构建中“公”的观念及其培育

对于和谐社会及其构建而言,“公”总是意味着个体、群体的同生共荣,意味着公与私、义与利等的相生相息。以公民身份为前提、以公域与私域的区分为基础、以丰富人性和提升人的精神境界为终极追求,构成了当代“公”的观念的丰富内涵。学校基于公民生活实践,从培养公民意识、增强公民认同、鼓励社会参与等侧面着眼,有利于培育面向公民社会的“公”的观念。     

From “survival” to “leadership”: the practice of civic education in Australia

This chapter describes the study as it was conducted in three public high schools in Sydney: a governmental comprehensive high school, a non-government or private high school, and a government “selective school”. The results suggest that civic education revolved around an identifiable, yet not clearly articulated, set of civic values. For teachers, civic education's main goal was to prepare students for harmonious integration into Australia's highly multicultural society, to maintain and reinforce social cohesion, and, consequently, to foster acceptance of diversity. For students, civic education was an enigma. Although they participated in civic education experiences they could rarely identify them as such. Furthermore, few students could identify subject matter of civic education through what was taught in school subjects.