Education,Democracy and Poverty Reduction in Africa

This article explores the political relationship between education and poverty reduction. It argues that authoritarian rule in Africa has exacerbated levels of poverty and sets out six ways in which this has happened. However, the achievement of greater levels of democracy will not be possible unless political culture and civil society in Africa become more democratic but this will depend on the spread of more democratic values and behaviours. As democratic values and behaviours are socially learned and are not genetic, education must play a part in fostering greater democracy. The article then discusses three examples from Africa where education has not played a significant role in furthering democracy and provides some further examples of African countries where serious attempts are being made to try to change education systems in a more democratic direction.     

论辛亥革命至 1927 年报刊话语的政治思想启蒙诉求

从辛亥革命到1927年国民党取得全国性政权,是百年报刊民主话语言说最充分也是其变数最大的时期.其政治诉求主要体现在捍卫共和、民主立宪、反对专制统治等焦点问题上.中国共产党成立后,在党领导的报刊上,对政治的诉求,则表现在反对帝国主义、封建主义和官僚资本主义的反动统治及对建立劳动人民当家作主的新的社会制度的向往,新民主主义现代化的思想在此时开始萌发.此时期报刊民主话语的思想启蒙诉求成就最为突出,对数千年封建文化的全面而深刻的批判,对现代思想价值理念的悉心的传播,构成此一时期报刊话语最为绚丽的特色.中国共产党对民众进行思想启蒙的武器是马克思列宁主义的学说,从而形成在中国现代化历史进程中报刊民主话语思想启蒙诉求的一个崭新的话域.     

权威主义:通向民主的桥梁--俄罗斯大国复兴的思考

传统上对权威主义的理解是从权威者和服从者的关系来进行概念界定的,认为权威主义缺乏现代意义上的民主,更多体现的是权威者个人的价值观和意志,认为权威主义与现代民主制度是相违背的.然而从政治学角度考察,权威主义是一种统治结构和统治方式,而不是专制、暴政和独裁的代名词,权威主义与民主是并行不悖的,其最终目标仍然是实现民主.俄罗斯从独立之初醉心于西方民主到近期对权威主义的呼唤绝非偶然.就俄罗斯的历史和现实而言,权威主义也许正是其通往民主和国家复兴的桥梁.     

转型期的阵痛：论印尼的政治民主化进程

在印尼,权威政治体系终结了,但是,真正民主的政治体系尚未建立起来,推行民主的各种条件也还不成熟,目前的印尼正处于一个过渡时期。由于许多条件的限制,印尼恐怕在短期内很难顺利完成过渡,建立起真正的民主制度。印尼目前正在进行一系列政治经济改革,但这些改革能否真正取得成效,还要看今后的实践。总的来说,印尼人民还没有做好推行民主的思想准备,他们可能还要长期承受政治经济转型带来的阵痛。     

纵向民主：探析中国民主政治发展的新视角

政治发展的核心要素之一是民主,民主是现代国家所追求的目标。在民主化道路过程中,各个国家建构了不同的民主模式,这就意味着中国的民主化会带有自身特点。其中,纵向民主提供了一种探析中国民主发展的新视角,它以社会和谐与秩序为价值理念,以信任为连接纽带,以自上而下的政治领导和自下而上的公民参与为结构特征。通过对纵向民主理论的阐释,试图说明中国民主政治发展道路的特点与不足。     

协商民主:社会主义新农村基层民主建设的新范式

协商民主作为一种民主范式在中国的政治建设和社会治理中起了重要作用。近些年来,协商民主在新农村基层民主建设中的实践,创新了我国的基层民主制度。随着农村村民民主参政意识和维权意识的提高,协商民主适应了我国新农村基层民主建设中政府与村民互动机制的要求,同时它也是解决农村治理中民主困境的途径。协商民主在新农村建设中的运用有利于保证乡村事务决策的公正性,有利于控制权力滥用、防止腐败,也有利于建立和谐的干群关系,促进农村经济社会的发展。     

对中国民主政治发展道路的思考

对中国民主政治发展道路的思考，学术界有体制内和体制外发展道路两种思路。从我国改革开放以来的政治发展实践来看，我国政治发展道路选择的是一条体制内和体制外“双管齐下”的道路，即体制内和体制外相结合的发展道路。     

Presidential address: Power and privilege in education: The perpetual problem of social class

Abstract

... white settlers require native servants, they can only ensure a continuous supply by seeing to it that the servants are kept in a state of decided educational inferiority. To educate them ... (would) inculcate such mischievous and intolerable ideas as democracy, the brotherhood of man, human freedoms and the like (Wellington, 1967, p. 391)

In 1990, after sixty‐seven years of apartheid rule Namibia gained independence from South Africa. The quote above illustrates the influences of political, socio‐economic and ideological factors on the development of Bantu education in Namibia [and South Africa], which sought to entrench and maintain the system of apartheid. The paper will explore the influences of these macro‐factors, specifically on teaching and learning, on the Bantu and other phases of education throughout Namibian history i.e. indigenous education, missionary education and education for all.     

试论中央苏区基层政权建设的基本经验

在中华苏维埃共和国时期,中国共产党和毛泽东等老一辈无产阶级革命家对苏区的政权建设特别是基层政权建设进行了卓有成效的探索,他们将基层政权建设摆在苏区政权建设的突出地位;健全苏维埃民主制度.切实保障人民当家作主的权力;领导人民群众创造了合符实际的民主参与实践形式.这些做法,对当时、后来甚至今天我国的民主政治建设都具有指导意义.     

Young People in Vichy France and Forced Labour in Germany∗

Abstract

The focus in this article is not on the state‐university relationship itself but,

• (a) on the contribution which the way in which the university is governed makes to the political socialisation of its members to the values of a liberal democracy, and

• (b) on the extent, if at all, to which that contribution has been eroded in recent years in Britain and West Germany.

• It is assumed that universities are agencies of political socialisation and that because they educate future elites they are particularly important ones. The further assumption is made that the character of the university's internal and external governance constitutes an important part of such political socialisation.

• The main changes in the governing arrangements of West German universities, introduced over the last 15 years, as part of university reform, and of British universities, brought about in more recent years by financial retrenchment, are briefly investigated and their significance for the university as an agency of liberal democratic political socialisation suggested.

• Two main conclusions are reached. First, that no lasting structural change has so far been done to university autonomy in Britain, despite clear threats to that autonomy, or to the capacity of the universities in Britain to act as effective agencies of political socialisation in a liberal democracy. Secondly, the historical ambivalence in the structure of the German university between academic freedom à l'allemande and regulation by the state remains, despite some changes, essentially intact and inhibits the West German university's value as an agency of liberal‐democratic political socialisation.

     

Globalization and higher education restructuring in South Africa: is democracy under threat?

My intention is to explore the link between globalization and higher education restructuring in South Africa and whether it looms as a threat to democracy. I contend that an argument can be made that the ascendancy of market-driven concerns in defining the restructuring of higher education in South Africa may have the effect whereby higher education institutions (universities and technikons) become subordinated to the demands of the market place, which situation in turn, can be detrimental to the consolidation of South Africa's newly found democracy. First, I argue that the restructuring of higher education according to the ‘logic of globalization’ would not necessarily minimize socio-economic inequality, thus providing a major barrier to the move towards deepening democracy. However, the economic, political and cultural effects of globalization as determinants of higher education restructuring in South Africa are not going to disappear, at least not for the immediate future. Already the South African government considers as a central feature of its economic policy the meeting of the ‘challenge of international competitiveness … (and) an inability to compete will increasingly marginalise the South African economy (and), have profound effects on its rate of growth and consequences for the social well-being and stability of South African society’ (CHE 2000a: 20)

Second therefore, in order to safeguard and promote democracy, in spite of the market-bound trend, I assess some democratic prospects of a globalizing world in the restructuring of higher education. Like Jones (1998: 153), I contend that an argument can be made for achieving democracy in a sphere of corporate dominance if higher education is considered as a public good that allows space for the development of relations of trust, individual autonomy and democratic dialogue.     

从程序民主论全国人大辩论制度的建立

在民主政治理论相当成熟的今天,民主不但注重事态发展的目标和结果,还开始关注实现民主目标和结果的途径和阶段,当代民主社会需要程序民主．在我国的全国人民代表大会制度中引入辩论制度是我国社会主义民主政治建设所需,它作为民主程序,有利于社会主义民主政治体制的完善,有利于我国公民政治参与的加强．全国人大辩论制度要从原则、规则,以及内部完善、外部监督进行全面建设。     

A DEMOCRATIC FRAMEWORK FOR EDUCATIONAL RIGHTS

Educational theorists frequently invoke rights claims to express their views about educational justice and authority. But the unyielding nature of rights claims presents a significant quandary in democratic contexts, given the tension between rights claims and majoritarian democracy. Educational theorists have given limited attention to this tension, while political theorists tend to sideline education in their analyses. In this essay Anne Newman addresses this gap by advancing a democratic rationale for educational rights. Newman's purpose is to provide a framework for advancing educational rights that protects these rights from the whims of majoritarian politics. Her central argument is that the importance of educational rights warrants giving democratic bodies far less deference than they are typically accorded. Yet the assertion of a right to a quality education, Newman emphasizes, should not be viewed as an undue constraint on democratic authority but rather is consistent with and required by the values that underlie democracy.     

俄罗斯体制转型的路径分析

关于俄罗斯体制的路径选择，国际学术界盛行两种互为对立的观点。一种观点认为，俄罗斯社会独立之后，其体制转型的路径选择是权威主义的；另一种观点则认为，俄罗斯独立不久即选择了西方的代议民主制。事实上，俄罗斯体制转型的路径选择既不是权威主义也不是代议民主，而是介乎于二之间被称为委任民主的独特的政治形式。它从前继承了巩固权力的非民主方式，从后承袭了自由竞选。俄罗斯这一独特体制是其社会转型新的路径依赖的起点，也是我们据以判断其内外政策未来走向的基础。     

FDR,the Rhetoric of Vision,and the Creation of a National Synoptic State

Throughout his administration, FDR engaged in a complex set of arguments that worked together to defend democracy in general as a viable form of government; American democracy as the highest expression of democratic government; the primacy of the federal government as the most efficient and effective locus of democratic power; and the executive office as the culmination of the form, efficiency, and locus of that power. My specific concern here is with one form those arguments took, the visual metaphors that permeate FDR's rhetoric. Visuality in FDR's rhetoric is especially intriguing because of the way it interacted with the prevailing political culture in order to underwrite radical shifts in political power by helping FDR persuade the mass public to accept a synoptic view of nationalism and governmental responsibility. These changes have implications for presidents, presidential candidates, and for the citizens whose support they seek.     

试论邓小平的民主思想

邓小平民主政治思想博大精深，其中，对民主在社会主义建设总体中的作用与地位的界定是其核心，即没有民主就没有社会主义，就没有社会现代化。中国改革开放的20年，是邓小平民主思想形成发展的20年，邓小平领导的民主化放权始终是贯穿其中一根红线，政府机构改革是这根红线合乎逻辑的延伸与涵化，邓小平民主思想及其指导下的民主实践有3个基本特征：发展民主与保持稳定的统一，形式民主与实质民主的统一，民主建设与法制建设的统一，这3个“统一”对我国现在及今后的政治体制改革，民主政治建设有着特别得要的指导意义，我们必须坚持而不能背离。     

民主政治理想模型下的历史性差异--毛泽东、邓小平宪政思想之比较

由于历史性的差异,毛泽东和邓小平站在不同的时代高度,探寻了不同的治国方略.邓小平坚持了毛泽东民主民意说,同时充分揭示了民主政治的内在要求,实现了民主与法治的联姻.如果以民主政治理想模型为参照,毛泽东与邓小平的宪政思想是同心圆,只不过邓小平的宪政思想更接近民主政治理想模型.     

查尔斯·泰勒的民主文化多元性思想评析——基于社会想象维度的考察

政治哲学家查尔斯·泰勒认为,民主文化以多元方式存在,民主文化的多元性现状可以基于社会想象研究而得以澄清。在泰勒看来,特定时空中的社会想象赋予特定实践以意义,民主理论必须渗入并改变特定时空的社会想象才能产生作用,民主的路径依赖性使得每个民主社会都形成了其独特的把自己理解为一个民主国家的方式以及符合这种理解的实践。每个民主国家的成员对其想象的共同体都具有强势的政治认同,而任何认同都是由他人的承认构成的,因而,各民主国家相互承认与尊重彼此的民主文化就成为必然要求。     

互联网能推动“民主”吗?——对近十年西方学界争议的评述

互联网能否促进民主?西方学术界充满争议.有人认为互联网能够推动公民社团和公共领域的形成,为扩大政治参与提供了资源和机会,从而促进现有民主制度的完善或推动威权政体的民主转型.也有人持相反观点,认为互联网对民主(化)的价值并不是很大,甚至会带来负效应.本文梳理了西方学术界围绕该论题的争议,阐述了不同观点的立论依据和价值立场.     

中国民主政治进程中动态多元公民社会之构建与作用

在理论与实践中,民主发展都已突显其重要地位。民主政治发展是一国政治现代化进程中的核心内容之一,在多个影响民主的客体中,文化作为重要变量推动或阻碍着民主的发展。民主与文化的复合决定着公民文化的形成,公民社会与民主政治是双向影响的,这对于发展中的中国来说,便意味着动态多元社会建立的必要性。