Pre‐schoolers’ feature placement on own and others’ person drawings

Young children find meaning in the drawings they create that may not be apparent to an adult observer. The purpose of this study is to access the children’s views using a drawing change task. Seventy‐three pre‐schoolers were asked to draw a person and then draw a person with a belly button. It was anticipated that tadpole (no separate body) drawers would include a body to accommodate this new feature. Instead belly buttons were included without modifications to the figure suggesting that in the children’s view tadpole figures are not as deficient as they might appear. When placing a belly button on a figure drawn by someone else 40% of tadpole drawers responded differently compared to their own. Possible explanations considered are the effect of active involvement in creating a drawing, the respect for another’s drawing intention, and lack of awareness of differences due to working memory limitations.     

Young Children's Human Figure Drawing: cross‐sectional and longitudinal studies

Abstract Forty‐two children aged between 2 years and 4 years 11 months were asked to draw a person. Their drawings were categorised as (1) scribbles, (2) distinct forms, (3) tadpoles, (4) transitional and (5) conventional figures. The first representational figures, the tadpoles, appeared at an average age of 3 years 1 month. It was predicted that if tadpole figures result from the complexity of the task rather than from a conceptual difficulty then tasks with reduced demands (a copying task, a jig‐saw task, and a dictation task) should facilitate the drawing of conventional figures. In fact, few conventional figures were produced and the tadpole form was highly resistant across the different tasks.

Six of the children were followed longitudinally over a one‐year period from a pre‐representational to a conventional stage of human figure drawing. Spontaneous drawings as well as drawings from six test sessions were collected in order to check whether all children drew ‘tadpole’ forms before they produced conventional figures and whether the conventional figures were adapted from the tadpoles. Four of the children did produce tadpole forms; two did not, but were probably specifically tutored in the conventional form by a peer or parents. There were wide individual differences in the nature of the transition from one form to the next, but there was no clear evidence that the conventional figure had been adapted from the tadpole form.     

Young Children's Depiction of Contrast in Human Figure Drawing: standing and walking

Children aged 4 to 10 years old were asked to draw a person standing absolutely still and a person walking very fast so that someone not present would know from the pictures alone what had been depicted. Even at four some children were able to convey the difference to a viewer and there was increasing success with age. The number of differentiating cues increased with age and there was an age‐related trend in the order in which specific cues appeared in the drawings. The ability of the children to respond flexibly to the task gives no support to notions of rigid mental representations determining what young children can draw. It is argued that contrast tasks are a useful tool for investigating problem solving skills in the domain of drawing and could be used to extend children's skill by providing an occasion for explicit dialogue about how representational information is conveyed to a viewer.     

Imagining a way out of the gravity bias: preschoolers can visualize the solution to a spatial problem

Can young children visualize the solution to a difficult spatial problem? Forty‐eight 3‐year‐olds were tested in a spatial reasoning paradigm in which they were asked to predict the path of a ball moving through 1 of 3 intertwined tubes. One group of children was asked to visualize the ball rolling down the tube before they made their predictions, a second group was given identical instructions without being asked to use visual imagery, and a third group was given no instructions. Children in the visualization condition performed significantly better than those in the other conditions, suggesting that encouraging young children to use visual imagery may help them to reason through difficult problems.     

‘Drawing Out’ ‐ a Humanist Approach to Drawing

Over the past twenty‐five years as an art teacher I have sought answers to three questions: 1. In what ways and to what extent can drawing practice explore both conscious and unconscious thought processes? 2. In what ways can the participant individuate his or her experience through the practice of drawing? 3. In what ways can drawing form a dialogue between personal philosophy and experience? Refering to my own experience and pedagogy I define some of the historical, pschological and philosophical contexts for my perception of drawing, including comments from my students, in the process making no special distinction between child and adult art. I have studied the evolution of pupil’s drawing practices and particularly those of my own children, as they assert their own perceptions and responses to experience, conceptualising feelings both sensuous and emotional through telling stories and defining realities. Throughout history the will to draw has persisted, its function differing and changing through time and cultural contexts. Beuys commented that everyone can be an artist, if they want to be; can anyone really afford not to draw?     

Comfort drawing during investigative interviews: Evidence of the safety of a popular practice

Objective

This study evaluated the impact of comfort drawing (allowing children to draw during interviews) on the quality of children's eyewitness reports.

Methods

Children (N = 219, 5 to 12 years) who had participated in an earlier memory study returned 1 or 2 years later, experienced a new event, and described these events during phased, investigative-style interviews. Interviewers delivered the same prompts to children in the no drawing and drawing conditions but provided paper and markers in the drawing condition, invited these children to draw, and periodically asked if they would like to make another picture.

Results

Most children in the drawing condition were interested in using the materials, and measures of eyewitness performance were sensitive to differences in cognitive ability (i.e., age) and task difficulty (i.e., delay between the remote event and interview). Comfort drawing had no overall impact as evidenced by nonsignificant main effects of condition across 20 performance measures, although more of the younger children reported experienced touching in the drawing than no drawing condition.

Conclusions

The children successfully divided attention between voluntary drawing and conversations about past events. Importantly, comfort drawing did not impair the amount of information recalled, the accuracy of children's answers, or even the extent to which interviewers needed to prompt for answers. Due to the large number of analyses, the benefit of drawing for younger, touched children requires replication.

Practice Implications

Comfort drawing poses no documented risks for typically-developing school-aged children, but the practice remains untested for younger children and those with cognitive impairments.     

The Air‐gap Phenomenon in Young Children's Pictures

In Experiment 1, 221 children aged 5;l‐10;2 were asked to crayon or paint an outdoor scene. The shift from leaving an air‐gap to filling in the sky occurred at approximately 8 years of age whether crayons or paint were used. In Experiment 2 four groups of children (mean age, 6;8) who normally left an air‐gap were asked to draw a photographic slide of an outdoor scene projected onto a screen. We manipulated the amount of exposure to the slide and also the information about it given by the experimenter. More children relinquished their air‐gap response when the experimenter had drawn their attention, verbally, to the full sky. When children received this information and were able to view the slide throughout the drawing session, there was also a tendency for more of them to draw the full sky and for those who left an air‐gap to draw the sky significantly deeper.     

Knowledge and Appearance in Children's Pictorial Representation

Seven and nine year olds were asked to draw two three‐dimensional objects (a cube and a wedge). When there was disjunction between their knowledge of the object's structure and its appearance (cube), they depicted the invariant rather than the variant features and produced rectangular solutions. When differences between the structure and the appearance of the object were minimised (wedge) most children drew a converging form. They could also accurately copy a two‐dimensional converging form. However, the children's knowledge of what the line drawing was supposed to represent did have an effect: in particular, they drew fewer converging obliques when the same line drawing was called a ‘building block’ (a rectangular object) than when it was called a ‘shape’ or a ‘house’ (an object known to contain obliques). A similar pattern of results was observed in a second experiment in which a selection task was used.     

Do drawing tasks improve monitoring and control during learning from text?

In two experiments it was investigated how drawing as a monitoring task affects self-regulated learning and cognitive load. To this end, participants (Exp. 1: N = 73, Exp. 2: N = 69) were randomly assigned to one of two conditions. In the experimental condition, students were asked to read an expository text on the formation of polar lights consisting of five paragraphs, whereby, after each paragraph, they had to create a drawing of the text's content. In the control condition, students read the same text, but performed no drawing task. In both conditions, students had to give judgments of learning (JoLs) after each paragraph and after reading the whole text as well as rate their cognitive load. Then, they were asked to select paragraphs for restudy. In Experiment 1, participants continued with an assessment of their learning outcomes immediately after their restudy selection, whereas in Experiment 2 they were first given the opportunity to actually restudy the selected paragraphs before working on the posttest. Results of both experiments indicate that JoLs rather than cognitive load predicted posttest performance. Moreover, students in the drawing condition compared with the control condition exhibited more accurate (relative) monitoring in Experiment 1 in that their JoLs were more strongly related to performance. Moreover, JoLs predicted students' restudy decisions in both experiments; however, this effect was by-and-large independent of whether they had to draw. Overall, results hint towards the potential of drawing to support metacognitive monitoring.     

Drawing and the Aestheticisation of the Human Figure by Four‐ to Ten‐Year‐Old Botswana Children: Implications for Pedagogy

Drawing is one of children's modes of communication which has recently excited academic inquiry in non‐Western cultures. It is the means through which children express their fears, desires, anxieties and conception of phenomena. This study investigated drawings by four‐ to ten‐year‐old Botswana children in response to the human figure as an aesthetic object. The methodology involved observing a sample of forty purposively selected children engaged in the drawing process and analysing their visual productions in addition to conversational talk about their art. The study found that the human figure was the dominant aesthetic subject across ages represented in both conventionalised form and personalised imagery. Older children showed interest in culture specific imagery and demonstrated mastery of occlusion and depth cues, while four‐year‐old children had limited spatial awareness. The study also found that children demonstrated gradual improvement of drawing skills with age. There was no significant difference in drawing competence between sexes. Pedagogical implications are suggested to scaffold children through the stages of art development.     

Situated meaning-making of the human body: a study of elementary school children’s reasons in two different activities

In this text we compare children’s expressions in drawings to their statements during interviews, for the purpose of understanding how different situations afford children to make meaning. In specific we study how two different activities interact and afford children to make meaning differently about the human body. The analytic attention is drawn to the meaning-making the children made as they in pairs were asked to explain the body drawings that they did prior to the interviews. Meaning-making was studied by using a practical epistemology analysis, an analysis facilitating understanding of how relations are established in a developing conversation, and more generally providing understanding from a child perspective. The results indicate that several reasons are at hand for children in the two different situations; namely, social, artistic, practical, empirical and memory reasons are identified. Social reasons refer to statements belonging to the social context and items that were described as inappropriate to express. Artistic reasons were interpreted from aesthetic judgements, referring to the artistic quality of the drawing. Practical reasons were given in situations where children expressed, for example, that the space limited their opportunities to draw. Empirical reasons are built on children’s statements referring to picture items that are identified by pointing or touching their own body. Memory reasons are involved in all the situations where children explained items were previously omitted, because the body part had been temporarily forgotten. Furthermore, we suggest that children interpret situational aspects and make judgements concerning the relevance of their different reasons. By these means we hope to facilitate children’s understanding of interview questions and also to improve researchers’ understanding of children’s ability to grasp relevant details prior to their response (or participation).     

How do children who understand mixed emotion represent them in freehand drawings of themselves and others?

This research is the first to assess children’s representation of mixed emotion using a freehand drawing task. Two hundred and forty-one 5–11-year olds completed a drawing and a colour preference task. Children heard a condition appropriate vignette about themselves or a protagonist designed to evoke mixed emotion, and were asked to draw the self or the protagonist experiencing neutral, happy and sad affect. Children who reported mixed emotions after the story also drew themselves or the protagonist experiencing mixed emotion. For mixed emotion, children used red, green and blue more in drawings of the protagonist, and yellow more in drawings of the self. Interestingly, strategies for mixed emotion drawings were similar to those used for happy drawings; more specifically, in drawings of the self, children were particularly more likely to use smiles (for happy and sad drawings) and fewer frowns. Findings are discussed in relation to self-presentational behaviour.     

Human Figure Drawings by Schooled and Unschooled Children in Papua New Guinea

Human figure drawings were collected from 287 schooled and unschooled children, aged between 10 and 15 years, living in a remote region of the Western Highlands Province of Papua New Guinea, an area with no tradition of graphic art. A classification and ordinal scoring system was devised which encompassed graphic productions ranging from scribbles to conventional competent human figure drawings. The effects of school experience on drawing, even brief and indirect experience, were found to be significant. All the children attending school drew only conventional human figures, but the whole range of drawings, scribbles, transitional forms, and conventional human figure drawings were found in the unschooled children's attempts. Nonrepresentational scribbles and shapes were largely produced by unschooled children living in remote villages without a school, trade store, or mission. Some children appeared to be able to draw representations of the human figure without going through a scribbling stage. The material is considered in relation to other reports on drawings produced by children from societies with little or no indigenous graphic art. The results are discussed in relation to various theories on the development of drawing and representational abilities.     

Cognitive Style and Gender Differences in Drawing from Memory Versus Copying in 11‐year‐old Children

A total of 71 11‐year‐old children were asked to draw two pictures: one by copying and one from memory. The quality of each of their drawings was assessed on a five‐point scale by four adult judges rating independently. The cognitive style of each child was assessed by means of the Cognitive Styles Analysis. A significant effect of Verbal‐Imagery Style was observed in which Verbalisers were superior to Imagers in overall drawing performance. There was also a significant interaction between drawing task‐type and gender in which females were superior to males, particularly in drawing from memory. These findings were discussed in terms of the representation of information in memory.     

The Representation of Spatial Relationships in the Drawings of ESN(M) and Normal Children

Abstract Two age groups of normal children (7y 8m and 12y 7m) were asked to draw two cubes placed in three different spatial arrangements. A third group of ESN(M) children who had a chronological age of 12y 7m but a mental age of 7y 11m was also tested. Generally, the way that the three groups represented the cubes was in accord with the predictions made from previous research findings. One striking difference, however, was that only the older normal children attempted to depict the solidity of the cubes; in doing so, they represented the model from a viewpoint which was not their own. This finding raises doubts about the assumption that the developmental trend is towards drawing a picture from the artist's own viewpoint. The responses of the ESN (M) children resembled those of the younger normal subjects and both these groups produced more developmentally advanced drawings than had been expected.     

Drawing out the value of the visual: children and young people theorizing time through art and narrative

This article examines the role that drawing can play in enabling children and young people to theorize concepts of time. In two, independent Australian research projects, children aged between 5 and 8 years were asked to respond to the question, ‘What might the future be like?’, while 12–14 year olds were asked, ‘What does history look like?’ There are points of connection and convergence in the analysis of the drawings and the ways in which the children articulate their visual representations of temporality to demonstrate deep and philosophical insights. This research illuminates possibilities for both the value of art practices in learning and the capacity for such approaches in schools. It disrupts narrow visions of neoliberal policy that privileges the teaching of literacy and numeracy in schools and seeks to transform children and youth into particular citizens for the future. We argue that expanding our view of the use and value of visual forms of learning and expression can contribute to a more layered and complex understanding of the capacities of children and young people. Further, this research contributes to better understanding of how students navigate challenging local curriculum and school terrain as they are increasingly posited as global citizens.     

Does visualization affect monitoring accuracy,restudy choice,and comprehension scores of students in primary education?

In the present study, we investigated how 116 fourth and fifth grade students’ monitoring skills were associated with restudy choices and explored whether drawing was a useful intervention to improve monitoring accuracy, restudy choice, and comprehension scores. During the first session, all students read a text, judged their learning of the information within that text, selected paragraphs to reread, reread those parts, and then made another judgment of learning (JOL) before doing a post-test. Several significant correlations were found between the various variables involved, such as higher JOLs before rereading related to fewer paragraphs being reread, and JOL-accuracy after rereading was positively correlated with the scores on the postreading questions. For the second session, students were split-up into three conditions: a control condition and two drawing conditions. In the long-drawing condition, students were allowed to draw throughout the whole second session, including post-test. In the brief-drawing condition participants only got to draw the first time they read the second text. We did not find significant differences on the postreading scores. The only differences we found were that the participants in the long drawing group were more accurate in their JOLs before rereading and selected more paragraphs to reread than the other two groups, and invested more mental effort in comparison to the other groups. Drawing more elements was positively correlated with the posttest scores and JOLs, whereas drawing more details was negatively correlated with posttest scores and did not correlate with JOLs. As students in the long drawing condition drew both more elements but also created more detail in those drawings compared to the short drawing condition, it is possible that the beneficial effects of creating drawings were cancelled out by the negative effects.     

Young Children's Ability to Adapt their Drawings of the Human Figure

5‐year‐olds, 7‐year‐olds and 9‐year‐olds were asked to draw three figures, one standing still and facing them, one standing still in profile and one running in profile. Half drew from imagination and half drew from models. The 5‐year‐olds made fewest distinctions in the way they drew the figures, the most notable being the greater spread of the legs of the running figure. With increasing age, more features were used to differentiate the three figures. There was little evidence of 5‐year‐olds adapting their figures in the presence of a model. Only among the older children was there a significant effect of the presence of a model when the 7‐year‐olds and, to a greater extent, the 9‐year‐olds drew their running figure with bent arms and legs and also with more transparencies and partial occlusions.     

The Human Figure Drawings of Normal Children and Those with Mild Learning Difficulties

The human figure drawings of 18 children with mild learning difficulties (MLD) were compared with those of 18 children with the same chronological age (mean 10 years, 4 months) and those of 18 children with the same mental age (mean 6 years, 0 months). The MLD children's drawings were similar to those of the 6‐year‐olds in terms of the number of developmental items they displayed; both these groups scored significantly lower than the 10‐year‐olds. Teachers could easily distinguish the 10‐year‐olds’ figures, but not those drawn by the MLD children and the 6‐year‐olds; they routinely confused the two. These findings suggest that, although their development is slower, MLD children follow a normal rather than a deviant developmental pattern.     

The Effects of Brief and Elaborate Mood Induction Procedures on the Size of Young Children’s Drawings

It has been claimed that children’s drawings following brief mood induction procedures differ in size depending on positive or negative mood. However there are conflicting findings in the field regarding the existence and direction of scaling changes. Such inconsistencies may be the result of methodological differences or may indicate that this phenomenon is unreliable. This study was designed to investigate the size of young children’s (n = 80, median age 6 years 1 month) human figure drawings. The focus was on both the surface area and height of drawings elicited in a clinical context using brief or elaborate mood induction procedures. Children drew larger pictures under both negative and positive affect conditions, relative to a prior baseline condition. Positive mood elicited slightly larger drawings than negative mood. However, such mood effects were only significant when the affect inductions were brief, and were not found when the affect inductions were elaborated. It is suggested that brief mood inductions can alter the young child’s drawing response in predictable ways. The importance of considering the type of emotion‐eliciting procedure when interpreting children’s drawings is discussed.