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1.
ABSTRACT

This piece argues that dominant histories of U.S. suffrage have misremembered the history of voting rights legislation as one of steady social progress and multicultural inclusion. By contrast, I consider landmark legislation affecting voting rights such as the 19th Amendment and the Dawes and Magnuson Acts as strategies of containment that that expand but also continue to police the racialized gender norms of U.S. citizenship. These legal reforms, while providing potential channels for redistributions of power and resources, also perpetuate anti-intersectional (Brandzel) vocabularies that impose single-axis frameworks (Crenshaw) onto understandings of citizenship and civic inclusion. While acknowledging the partial and contingent gains made by suffrage movements, I offer a counternarrative of U.S. voting rights as means of managing and maintaining colonial dominance. I argue that the settler-colonial nation state continues to restrict the decision-making capacities of those marginalized by race, indigeneity, gender, sexuality, and/or disability through a vast network of administrative practices that must be analyzed in concert with voting rights.  相似文献   

2.
BackgroundSince the outbreak of the conflict in Syria, many people, including children and adolescents, have fled their homes into neighboring countries. Little research exists on the psychosocial adjustment of refugee children and adolescents resettled in Lebanon and Jordan.ObjectiveThis study investigated the prevalence and predictors of PTSD and emotion dysregulation in Syrian refugee children and adolescents who resettled in Lebanon and Jordan. It was hypothesized that a combination of pre-trauma variables (age and gender), trauma-specific variables (traumatic events and time spent in host country, and host country), and post-trauma variables (coping strategies, family relationships, and school environment) would be associated with PTSD and emotion dysregulation.Participants and SettingParticipants were 1000 Syrian refugee children and adolescents aged 7–18 years attending formal and non-formal schools representing various governorates in Lebanon and Jordan.MethodsThe trauma exposure scale, DSM-IV criteria for the assessment of PTSD, the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale Short Form, Kidcope, Family relationship scales, and school environment scale were administered in an interview format with children and adolescents at school by two trained psychologists. Multivariate binary logistic regression was used to predict PTSD whereas hierarchical multiple regression was used to predict emotion dysregulation.ResultsResults indicated that 45.6% of the refugees have developed PTSD with excessive risk for comorbidity with emotion dysregulation. Emotion dysregulation was reported by older refugee children and adolescents. The prevalence of PTSD was higher in refugee children and adolescents who had resettled in Lebanon than for those who had resettled in Jordan. Refugee children and adolescents who were exposed to higher levels of war atrocities evidenced the greatest prevalence of PTSD and emotion dysregulation. PTSD symptomatology and emotion dysregulation in children and adolescents varied according to coping styles, family relationships, and school environment. Both decreased significantly with the passage of time spent in host country.ConclusionsThe results may be used to formulate cognitive–behavioral coping interventions that can lead to optimal developmental outcomes in the posttrauma environment.  相似文献   

3.
股东表决权个别代理是股东表决权代理人,以股东本人的名义,向公司作意思表示或受领意思表示,代理效果归属股东本人的代理。股东表决权个别代理人向公司递交授权委托书,参加股东大会,从而代表股东行使表决权。股东表决权个别代理分为一般表决权代理和表决权征集两种。二者在制度理念、适用范围、法律效力与责任归属等方面有较大区别。  相似文献   

4.
5.
主动弃权与被动弃权是弃权的两种形式,二者在实质、形成原因、选举机构对二者的处理方式以及选民对二者的态度等方面有着明显的不同。厘清弃权的两种形式,正确认识和区分主动弃权与被动弃权,对于保证选举的公开、公正、公平具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

6.
选举权的阻碍因素浅析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
宪法和选举法中虽然多处体现着对选举权的保护。但是,在各级人民代表大会尤其是县、乡一级的选举中,仍存在着阻碍选举权行使的观念的、法律的、制度的等诸多因素。  相似文献   

7.
Summaries

English

The purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to investigate the cognitive development of llth‐grade science students in Jordan; and (2) to investigate the relationship between cognitive development of science students and their comprehension of concrete and formal physics concepts.

The sample of this study consisted of 389 secondary science students (209 males and 180 females) of the school year 1979‐1980. Cognitive development of the students was measured by an Arabic version of the Longeot Test. Comprehension of physics concepts was assessed by an achievement test constructed by the researchers and validated by teachers of physics and the science supervisor in the Irbid district of Jordan.

The study did not reveal any significant difference between males and females in cognitive development. Moreover, it revealed that only 17% of the students were formal thinkers, whereas 52% were concrete thinkers.

The 2×3 ANOVA revealed that cognitive level was a highly significant factor in the comprehension of both concrete and formal concepts. It also revealed that while sex was not a significant factor in the comprehension of concrete concepts, it was a significant factor in the comprehension of formal concepts. The interaction between sex and cognitive level was not significant in the comprehension of both types of concepts.  相似文献   

8.
表决权信托制度肇端于美国,并在美国及其他国家得到了极大的发展。表决权信托制度在完善公司治理结构和保护中小股东利益方面具有独特的功能和价值,其也引起我国学者的广泛关注。虽然,我国现行立法并未规定表决权信托制度,但《信托法》的颁布和实施,在我国借鉴和引进该制度已有了相应的制度基础,因此,许多学者主张,我国亦应尽快建立表决权信托制度。  相似文献   

9.

We report an empirical assessment of suggestions that education in the appreciation of rights may be an effective agent of moral education. A children's rights curriculum was developed that was incorporated into the existing health and social studies curricula in Grade 8 classes (age 13-15) at five different schools over a 6-month period. The curriculum was designed to teach adolescents about their rights and responsibilities under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in an egalitarian and student-centred manner. Assessment of the impact of the rights curriculum showed that, when compared with their peers who did not receive the rights curriculum, the adolescents who did indicated higher levels of self-esteem, perceived peer and teacher support and increased rights-respecting attitudes.  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

An evaluation was conducted to measure the impact of a curriculum implementation through the Jordan Water Conservation Education Project funded by USAID. This study examined the effect of recommending water conservation at the household level and the impact of using interactive teaching methods to promote conservation behaviors among students and their families. The evaluation used a postintervention design with random selection of participants. Comparisons were made among 671 students (424 experimental, 247 control) belonging to high school eco-clubs in central Jordan. Most students were girls in rural settings. The experimental group consisted of students whose teachers implemented an interactive curriculum and promoted household water-conservation behaviors. Teachers of students in the control group did not participate in the curriculum implementation, but those students were exposed to lectures about biodiversity issues. The results indicate that students who were exposed to the new curriculum demonstrated a higher level of knowledge about water conservation and performed recommended behaviors more often than students in the control group.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

Recent years have seen rising public talk around voting access and voter suppression, particularly as linked to marginalized and disenfranchised populations. In this reflection, we assess varied such public conversations and identify an interesting narrative encapsulating both those arguing voter suppression as a rising concern and those minimizing such claims. Organized around “ignorance,” this metanarrative does the rhetorical work of containment.  相似文献   

12.
现行的各省、市、自治区的村委会选举法规都对村委会选举的选民登记问题作了规定。这些规定既有许多相同的地方.也有不少差异之处,本文试就其中的几个问题对其作一比较与评析:一是精神病人的登记问题;二是外出村民的登记问题;三是户口不在本村村民的登记问题。本文认为,拥有选举权和被选举权与具有选民资格不是一回事情;选举权不可由他人代为行使;不予选民登记和不列入选民名单与不计入选民人数是有区别的;现行的省级村委会选举法规在选民登记问题的规定上存在着一些法律冲突。  相似文献   

13.
中国苏维埃的选举制度有四个特点 :公民享有普遍的选举权、无产阶级在选举中享有特别优越的权利、实行直接选举与间接选举相结合、选民拥有对代表的罢免权 ,充分体现了主权在民这一原则。  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

After the Civil War (1861–1865), the United States faced a problem of “reconstruction” similar to that confronted by other nations at the time and familiar to the US since at least the Mexican–American War (1846–1848). The problem was one of territorial and political (re)integration: how to take territories that had only recently been operating under “foreign” governance and integrate them into an expanded nation-state on common structural terms. This paper considers the significance of education in that process of state (re)formation after the Civil War, with particular attention to its role in federal territories of the US West. Specifically, this paper analyses the role that education-based restrictions on citizenship, voting rights and office-holding played in constructing formal state power in the cases of five western territories: Hawaii, Indian Territory, Oklahoma, Arizona and New Mexico. A focus on the significance of education in these cases both advances and challenges literature on the “hidden” and decentralised structure of national policy-making in the US. It adds to that literature by illuminating how education served as an indirect tool of national policy in the West, effectively shaping the structure of power in other policy domains. At the same time, by focusing on the US West, the present analysis challenges the idea that national governance in the US was particularly “decentralised” or “hidden”. It highlights instead: (1) the role of colonial racialism in shaping national responsibility and authority for education in the US; and (2) the significance of education as both an alternative and a corollary to war in establishing US colonial power.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

While global human rights knowledge has become a central facet of curricula used to shape multicultural societies and develop cosmopolitan citizenry, such knowledge is shaped by sociopolitical context. Japan has a long history of incorporating human rights concepts into its citizenship curriculum; however, this curriculum is produced in a political context where there is resistance to extending rights to minorities and the disadvantaged, and where there are renewed attempts to emphasise traditional Japanese cultural values through education. Potential tensions have been recognised, yet little has been written about educational knowledge as end product. Based partially on Basil Bernstein’s concepts, a mixed-method approach utilising computer-based analytical techniques was used to examine the structure and content of human rights knowledge within upper-secondary Contemporary Social Studies textbooks representing Japan’s official curriculum. This article will argue that the curriculum establishes an inconsistent standard toward rights that undermines respect for individuals.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

Human rights education is an essential part of preparation for participation in a pluralistic democracy. As Europe aspires to be a continent of democratic states accepting human rights as their basic principles, a human rights ethic should be a feature of all schools within Europe. Human rights education provides an ethical and moral framework for living in community. Moreover, this ethical position is backed in Europe by the powerful legal framework of the European Convention on Human Rights. This paper describes the features of two teachers’ human rights education courses based on a structure proposed by Richardson. Both explore the relationship between moral and legal aspects of human rights teaching. The Council of Europe Recommendation on “Teaching and Learning about Human Rights in Schools” identifies three broad dimensions of human rights education, namely: skills, knowledge and feelings. The latter affective dimension, as well as facts and pedagogy, is critical to successful teacher education in human rights.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

Human rights education and Islamic education are typically presented as finished products without room for critique that do not always align with local and personal realities, resulting in a phenomenon sometimes called ‘decoupling’. To examine the ways in which decoupling might occur in one setting, this proposed article reports on the results of a quantitative study that analysed the responses of 470 education students at a university in Kuwait who were asked to rate on a 4-point scale their level of agreement with statements of women’s rights in general terms and in specific situations. Mean differences in their responses to women’s rights in general were compared to their responses to women’s rights, in particular, using a one-sample t-test, along with comparisons of demographic differences in responses analysed using ANOVA. The results showed that the students agreed with women’s rights in general but there was significantly less agreement with women’s rights in particular, suggesting that even on an individual level, a decoupling effect takes place when translating universalised value systems, like human rights and religion, to local realities.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

This overview describes the relatively brief, but nevertheless rich and provocative history of human rights education in Latin America. It links this history with relevant political histories, cultural phenomena and social movements. The basic perspective is derived from Chilean experiences, but then branches out into a variety of related endeavours in other countries. The occurrence of human rights violations is seen as the basic initial stimulus for human rights education.  相似文献   

19.
BackgroundWhile the literature on physical punishment concludes that it has negative effects on children, the practice remains common in many countries. In post-conflict countries with nongovernmental organizations (NGO) operating in child protection, traditional disciplinary practices may conflict with international child rights agendas. The country of Sierra Leone has a unique history of conflict, abject poverty, low literacy, and weak governance – often, NGO agents are responsible for providing social services that the government is unable to consistently provide.ObjectiveWe examined how Sierra Leonean caregivers think about appropriate discipline for children, and whether they perceived any changes in their attitudes toward disciplinary practices since the end of the war.Participants and SettingWe collected data from parents and caregivers in urban, peri-urban, and rural areas of Sierra Leone’s four districts.MethodsWe used focus groups (12 groups, n = 92) and individual interviews (n = 21) to collect data in 2013. Focus groups and interviews were conducted by research assistants fluent in Krio and English. We used a thematic content analysis approach.ResultsWe found that physical discipline—“beating”—was widely acceptable and common. A few parents mentioned other means of discipline, such as withholding food. Parents widely agreed that parenting had changed since the war, and reported that child rights movements supported by NGOs had made it more difficult to discipline their children in traditional ways.ConclusionsDiscipline was seen a central component of child-rearing and a means of ensuring safe and proper development. This may be a protective mechanism in the precarious, high poverty environment of post-war Sierra Leone. The negative responses of parents to NGO efforts to reduce physical punishment and other forms of child abuse suggest that grassroots approaches are needed to address this pervasive problem.  相似文献   

20.
BackgroundVery little is known about the experiences of children of political prisoners internationally, because of the challenges of researching within politically oppressive contexts.ObjectiveThe aim of this secondary analysis was to explore and understand Palestinian children’s experiences visiting their fathers in Israeli detention.Participants, setting and methodsQualitative data from sixteen in-depth interviews with thirty-one children were analyzed. Structural and longitudinal coding cycles were employed and focused upon the timeline of the visitation process.ResultsThree overarching themes emerged, which included: Children’s experiences ‘before the visit’, ‘during the visit’, and ‘after the visit’. Subthemes related to the distressing and at times traumatic experiences the children suffered throughout the process of preparation for, going through, and the aftermath of the visit. This included reports of experiencing punitive measures at checkpoints and waiting areas and humiliation and maltreatment by the Israeli authorities during the visitation process. These findings are discussed with reference to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. It was clear that the children’s best interests were denied and contact and interaction with their fathers was restrained under the Israeli visitation scheme. Despite the arduous visitation process that children often hated, they loved to see their fathers.ConclusionsEven though the children’s rights were infringed upon, they still endured hardships to maintain whatever contact was possible. International advocacy for the realization of the ‘rights of the child’ for Palestinian children, as well as other children of political detainees is warranted.  相似文献   

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